Take one job centre. Add several apprenticeship programmes.  Combine with an industrial lab (fold in a medical research centre for  extra flavour). Throw in some subsidised gigs and a large dollop of  cheap beer. Don't stir too much. Decorate with a forward-looking logo.  And hey presto! – you've got a university.
At this point, I should be able to say (according to the  formula): "Here's one I made earlier." In reality, of course, no one has  ever successfully created a university by following this recipe. But if  you simply go by what is now said about universities in official  pronouncements from government departments or funding agencies or  employers' associations, you could be forgiven for thinking that this  recipe pretty much describes what these institutions are all about.
In  recent years, universities have been in the news as perhaps never  before, but increasingly in public discourse in Britain, they are said  to serve two purposes – and two purposes only. The first is to "equip"  "young people" to get jobs in "the fast-moving economy of tomorrow". The  other is to contribute to "growth", to develop the "cutting-edge  products" needed in "today's competitive global marketplace" (and  preferably to discover the odd miracle drug, too).
I realise that  by merely raising a quizzical eyebrow about the self-evident priority of  these goals I am going to be damned for being out of touch with "the  real world". What's even more curious is that everyone who expresses the  slightest reservation about this vocabulary turns out to live at the  same address. Simply to suggest that universities might have other  purposes is immediately to be classed as someone who "lives in the ivory  tower".
The current government certainly seems hell-bent on  trying to make universities function more like cost-cutting skills  retailers to whom employers can outsource their job-training (in  England, anyway: Scotland remains faithful to its more democratic  traditions of public 
higher education). And it is this element of ideological fantasy that is so worrying. For example, it's nonsense to say (as 
last year's white paper  did) that saddling students with future debt is a way of putting them  "at the heart of the system", not least because they are already at the  heart of the system. Ah, but a focus on "consumer satisfaction" will  force "service providers" to "drive up standards", won't it? This  management-consultancy blather has settled on the topic like a thick fog  on the Thames, obscuring the view beyond Whitehall or Westminster. As a  result, our higher education system is to be turned upside down, even  though at no point in the 
Browne review  or the ensuing white paper has there been any evidence-based analysis  of how universities are alleged to be failing in their tasks at present.
In  individual instances, they do fail of course, and perhaps fail too  often, though mechanisms already exist for investigating and in some  cases remedying these failings. From anecdotal evidence (especially  conversations among parents of university students), it may seem that  the major systemic failing is the paucity of individual attention that  students receive in many universities – seminar sizes are too big and  tutorial hours too few.
If true, those are serious failings, but  their two main causes are not hard to identify. The first is the  expansion on the cheap that has been forced on universities, especially  in the 1990s and early 2000s: student-staff ratios have almost tripled  in recent decades (within this pattern, there are huge variations, of  course). And the second reason is the over-emphasis on research that has  been encouraged by the mechanism of the 
research assessment exercise,  now renamed, in best Orwellian style, the research excellence  framework. A university's funding rests heavily on the outcome of these  flawed exercises; as a result, career rewards are now tilted strongly  towards research achievement. But the new proposals will not tackle  either of these causes: most universities outside the elite will still  be underfunded and overcrowded, some disastrously so, and the distorting  mechanisms of research assessment will be more powerful than ever.
And  even if you are among those who think that graduates should make an  additional contribution to the costs of higher education beyond that  which they already make as taxpayers, that is no reason to invent a  fantasy-world of paying "fees" to "service providers" who "compete on  price". The benefits for both the individual graduate and for 
society  as a whole are benefits from a system of higher education, not just  from a particular institution. The teaching methods, the scholarship,  the research, the ethos – these are not the creation of a single  self-contained institution any more than are the careers of those who  teach there. The single greatest defect of the new funding arrangements  is not the whole elaborate machinery of loans itself, expensive and  unfair though that is: it is the core notion of universities as  businesses "competing on price" (ie "variable fees") and the half-baked  market ideology that informs it. And this in turn reflects an  impoverished notion of what universities are "for".
Clearly, we need to start from somewhere else.
Because  the huge expansion of recent decades has involved a growth not just in  student numbers but also in the range of subjects and types of  institution, it is too late in the day to attempt to be insistently  purist about the usage of the term "university": for better or worse it  is now applied to a great variety of forms of post-secondary educational  institution. And these institutions are expected to serve several  important social functions, from vocational training to technology  transfer, just as they are asked to further several admirable social  goals, from inculcating civic values to promoting social justice.
The  picture is further complicated by the great multiplication of subjects  of study and research. In reality, many universities have long offered  courses that went beyond the traditional core of disciplines in the  humanities and the social and natural sciences, but there has been a  marked expansion of such courses in recent decades. Diplomas in golf  course management sit alongside masters in software design;  professorships of neo-natal care are established alongside postdoctoral  fellowships in heritage studies.
It is worth emphasising, in the  face of routine dismissals by snobbish commentators, that many of these  courses may be intellectually fruitful as well as practical: media  studies are often singled out as being the most egregiously valueless,  yet there can be few forces in modern societies so obviously in need of  more systematic and disinterested understanding than the media  themselves. In addition, universities are increasingly centres of the  creative and performing arts as well as hubs of policy advice.
We  have to recognise the speed and scale of the transformation that has  taken place. Nearly two-thirds of the roughly 130 university-level  institutions in Britain today did not exist as universities as recently  as 20 years ago. And with this expansion have gone dramatic changes in  the character of our universities. At present, over five times as many  students in British universities study business studies and accounting  as study English, over six times as many are doing courses in practical  subjects allied to healthcare as in history, and so on.
And for  the most part, the largest numbers of students are to be found in the  least traditional universities. Leaving aside the Open University, which  is obviously a special case, 18 of the 24 largest universities in  Britain (in terms of student numbers) in 2010 did not exist as  universities before 1992. Such educational enfranchisement has, in  principle, been a great democratic good, one we should continue to  support, but there is no doubt that it has complicated public perception  of the nature and role of universities.
During the same period we  have also seen a dizzying growth in the costs of big science and of the  share of university budgets now taken up by science, engineering and  medicine. In the most research-intensive 
Russell Group universities,  these subjects alone account for almost five-sixths of the  universities' turnover. So, in discussing higher education, we have to  be realistic about these characteristics of the present system. Mass  education, vocational training and big science are among the dominant  realities, and are here to stay.
But however important these  features are, they, too, are not the whole story. And one way to get  these features in perspective is to realise that, throughout the long  history of universities, there has been a constant tension between the  practical ends that society thinks it is furthering by founding or  supporting universities, and the ineluctable pull towards open-ended  inquiry that comes to shape these institutions over time. In fact, the  very open-endedness of their principal activities threatens to  legitimate forms of inquiry that may run counter to the aims of those  who founded or supported them.
Since universities are in some ways  puzzling and opaque institutions, attempts to describe them naturally  tend to bracket them with more familiar or immediately intelligible  concepts. Perhaps the most frequent, because most plausible,  misconception about universities is, as I have suggested, that they are  simply a marriage of convenience between a type of vocational school and  a type of industrial research laboratory. But analogies between  universities and quite other types of institution may, precisely because  they are less fashionable, be more illuminating. Some, at least, of  what lies at the heart of a university is closer to the nature of a  museum or gallery than is usually allowed or than most of today's  spokespersons for universities would be comfortable with. The latter  would doubtless be afraid that it would make universities seem too  "backward-looking" – a damning phrase from the lexicon of contemporary  right-mindedness. One of the reasons why the question "What are  museums/galleries for?" can be helpful in thinking about universities is  precisely because it reminds us that the answers do not depend just on  the interests of the current generation. All conservation, all  transmission or handing-on, and in fact all inquiry, is implicitly  governed by its relation to the future.
There are other aspects of  universities that may suggest resemblances to a variety of quite  different types of organisation – to thinktanks, accreditation quangos  and performing arts complexes, as well as to sports clubs, community  centres and dating agencies. In addition, as we are now often reminded,  universities are large employers and one of the chief sources of  prosperity for local economies. But all of these comparisons pick up on  what are contingent or inessential features of universities, on  functions that have come to be appended to their main tasks of extending  understanding through teaching and research, and this brings us back to  the central question of how best to characterise these main tasks.
❦
Almost a century ago, the American social critic 
Thorstein Veblen published a book entitled 
The Higher Learning in America: A Memorandum on the Conduct of Universities by Businessmen,  in which he declared: "Ideally, and in the popular apprehension, the  university is, as it has always been, a corporation for the cultivation  and care of the community's highest aspirations and ideals." Given that  Veblen's larger purpose, as indicated by his book's subtitle, involved a  vigorous critique of current tendencies in American higher education,  the confidence and downrightness of this declaration are striking. And I  particularly like his passing insistence that this elevated conception  of the university and the "popular apprehension" of it coincide, about  which he was surely right.
Even today, after all the vast changes  that have overtaken universities and that separate them from the  institutions that Veblen knew, and despite – as much as because of – the  great educational enfranchisement that has taken place in recent  decades, there still lingers this popular conception, almost a longing,  that the university should be a protected space in which thoughts and  ideas of this kind can be pursued to the highest level. Whatever the  reality of the experience of actually attending one of today's  semi-marketised, employment-oriented institutions, there remains a  strong popular desire that they should, at their best, incarnate a set  of "aspirations and ideals" that go beyond any form of economic return.
It  is crucial that attempts to make the case for universities in present  circumstances should not lose sight of this deep and pervasive  conviction. In saying this I am certainly not forgetting or  underestimating the degree of misunderstanding and hostility that  universities, in England at least, have encountered from some  politicians and some sections of the media over the past two or three  decades. But I suspect that among the public at large there is,  potentially, a much greater reservoir of interest in, and latent  appreciation of, the work of universities than this narrow and defensive  official discourse ever succeeds in tapping into.
In talking to  audiences outside universities (some of whom may be graduates), I am  struck by the level of curiosity about, and enthusiasm for, ideas and  the quest for greater understanding, whether in history and literature,  or physics and biology, or any number of other fields. Some members of  these audiences may not have had the chance to study these things  themselves, but they very much want their children to have the  opportunity to do so; others may have enjoyed only limited and perhaps  not altogether happy experience of higher education in their own lives,  but have now in their adulthood discovered a keen amateur reading  interest in these subjects; others still may have retired from  occupations that largely frustrated their intellectual or aesthetic  inclinations and are now hungry for stimulation.
Such audiences do  not want to be told that we judge the success of a university education  by how much more graduates can earn than non-graduates, any more than  they want to hear how much scholarship and science may indirectly  contribute to GDP. They are, rather, susceptible to the romance of ideas  and the power of beauty; they want to learn about far-off times and  faraway worlds; they expect to hear language used more inventively, more  exactly, more evocatively than it normally is in their workaday world;  they want to know that, somewhere, human understanding is being pressed  to its limits, unconstrained by immediate practical outcomes.
These  audiences are not all of one mind, needless to say, and not all  sections of society are equally well represented among them. At various  points in their lives their members may have other priorities, and there  will always be competing demands on their interests and sympathies. But  it is noticeable, and surely regrettable, how little the public debate  about universities in contemporary Britain makes any kind of appeal to  this widespread appreciation on the part of ordinary intelligent  citizens that there should be places where these kinds of inquiries are  being pursued at their highest level. Part of the problem may be that  while universities are spectacularly good at producing new forms of  understanding, they are not always very good at explaining what they are  doing when they do this.
Major universities are complex  organisms, fostering an extraordinary variety of intellectual,  scientific and cultural activity, and the significance and value of much  that goes on within them cannot be restricted to a single national  framework or to the present generation. They have become an important  medium – perhaps the single most important institutional medium – for  conserving, understanding, extending and handing on to subsequent  generations the intellectual, scientific, and artistic heritage of  mankind. In thinking about the conditions necessary for their  flourishing, we should not, therefore, take too short-term or too purely  local a view, nor should we focus exclusively on undergraduate  teaching.
Adopting this wider perspective may also help us become  more aware of the limitations of treating economic growth as the  overriding test of value. Taking a longer-term view of the history, and  indeed the future, of universities encourages us to ask fundamental  questions of the goal of "contributing to national economic prosperity".  How much prosperity do we need (and who counts as "we")? Is it  desirable at any cost? What is it, in its turn, good for? And so on. Any  serious attempt to address these questions will inevitably have to  invoke non-economic values. Most people recognise the standing of such  values in their own lives – they do not care for their partners or their  children in order to generate a profit any more than they admire a  beautiful view or a natural wonder because it increases employment – but  it has become difficult to appeal to such values in a public sphere the  language of which is chiefly framed by the combination of individualism  and instrumentalism.
Universities are not just good places in  which to undertake such fundamental questioning; they also embody an  alternative set of values in their very rationale. If we are only  trustees for our generation of the peculiar cultural achievement that is  the university, then those of us whose lives have been shaped by the  immeasurable privilege of teaching and working in a university are not  entitled to give up on the attempt to make the case for its best  purposes and to make that case tell in the public domain, however  discouraging the immediate circumstances. After all, no previous  generation entirely surrendered this ideal of the university to those  fantasists who think they represent the real world. Asking ourselves  "What are universities for?" may help remind us, amid distracting  circumstances, that we – all of us, inside universities or out – are  indeed merely custodians for the present generation of a complex  intellectual inheritance which we did not create, and which is not ours  to destroy.
Extracted from What Are Universities For? by Stefan Collini, published by Penguin at GBP 9.99