Sunday, September 30, 2012

Editorial

The FUTA Protest

, SUNDAY ISLAND

FUTA put up a good show on Friday, as well it might, given the support it drew from disparate opposition forces hoping that the long-drawn struggle of university academics would be the incubus of regime change. Many motorists and other commuters in the city cursed the disruption and the traffic jams caused as a result of the several processions converging on Colombo from different directions. The police unsuccessfully sought a court order to ban a procession in the interest of preventing the inevitable chaos but most people, even those worst affected, were glad that the right to protest was upheld. Given that the police never invoke judicial intervention when incumbent regimes have their various carnivals to the detriment of the general population, it was refreshing that opponents of the government were granted the opportunity of having their say.

Most people do not believe that the demand that six percent of national GDP be spent on education is FUTA’s primary objective. That demand was cannily attached to the salary increase the academics are pushing for themselves to ensure wider support for their cause. They’ve certainly won a level of public support they might not have anticipated given the pathetic state of so-called free education in the country today. Higher Education Minister S.B. Dissanayake claims that the total education spend is a much higher proportion of GDP than commonly believed. He is right if expenditure by non-State actors including various private participants like international schools, the various organizations offering higher education in a multiplicity of disciplines, what is drawn into the monolithic private tuition industry and daham pasalas, Sunday schools and Madrasas are all taken to account. The ``pearl of great price’’ that Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara bequeathed this nation is now old hat. Education is anything but free with many parents, particularly those aspiring to send their children to university, having to cough out rupees they can ill afford to pay for their children to go from this tuition class to that. Even a few of those university dons, striking for higher salaries, are part of that industry with some reportedly earning very big bucks from their `private practice.’

It is not only education that is no longer free in this country which once prided itself on a well-funded free education system from primary schools right through university. We once boasted the highest level of literacy in the region but today many rural schools are being closed and admission to the better equipped and funded schools has become a racket about which the less said the better. The once vaunted free health care is today anything but free with patients in government hospitals being compelled to obtain drugs, tests etc. from outside. We allowed our English language skills to be severely eroded; well-run State assisted denominational schools providing a useful service were undermined. It is clear that the FUTA struggle has resonated in the public mind the way it has largely on account of the progressive deterioration of welfare services, particularly education and health, in recent years. It is true that we are not a resource rich country and some economists believe that we have paid a heavy price in the lack of development by adopting unaffordable welfare expenditure. These are all matters that are debatable but it is inescapable that what is offered to the people today, especially in the spheres of health and education, is but a shadow of what was previously available; and the increase in population by no means tell the whole story.

Although the war ended three years ago, we continue to incur huge defence expenditures ostensibly for security reasons. While infrastructure must undoubtedly be developed for economic advancement, there are questions on whether mega projects like the Hambantota port and the international airport at Mattala will yield the anticipated returns. The money poured into Mihinair is a scandal and there are strong doubts on whether the airline will ever earn its keep. The people are not blind to the money the political establishment spends on itself with a jumbo cabinet of over a 100 ministers in office and more to come as various political arrangements are finalized. It is difficult to determine how well money has been spent on various mega projects and whether the cost-benefit ratios make sense. Public dissatisfaction on several fronts has resulted in the FUTA demands getting wider support than they otherwise would have.

The government says that university dons will get higher salaries from October but the figures released for public consumption lump salaries and allowance together. The Mahanayakes of Malwatte and Asgiriya have offered to mediate and there is yet no word either from the government or from FUTA whether this offer would be accepted. Meanwhile the strike has dragged on for over three months and the marking of GCE `A’ level answer papers have not begun. With academic activities disrupted, delays in students completing their course will be inevitable. The feisty Higher Education Minister S.B. Dissanayake says there were more university students than academics in Friday’s protest. He alleges that the whole business is politically motivated and claims that senior professors are among the best paid public servants in the country with some drawing more than the chief justice. He says that talks are possible once the strike has ended. Given the tone and tenor of the speeches at Friday’s protest and the dons’ perception that they enjoy public support, the signs are than an early end to the deadlock is unlikely. The academics have already forgone three months salary and though the minister says that he’s received letters from many expressing a desire to return to work, it looks very much as though they are willing to go on longer.

The Long March To Nowhere

By Dinidu de Alwis, The Sunday Leader
T-shirts, caps and placards in black and orange
carry a figure – 6%., Sri Lanka’s education spending is low: no question can be raised about it. and University students, academics, civil society activists and politicians congregated at Lipton Circus


Thousands of university students, academics, civil society activists and politicians congregated at Lipton Circus on Friday, marking an end to a long march which university teachers began just a few days prior. The Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) was the driving force behind the entire movement, and they have been – for the last months or so – calling for increased spending by the government on the education sector.

The t-shirts, caps and hundreds of placards in black and orange carry a figure – 6%. For the academics, the fraction 6% marks the amount from Sri Lanka’s Gross Domestic Product that they want spent on education. This represents around USD 3.8 billion for this year, considering Sri Lanka expects a 6.8% growth over its 2011 GDP of US$ 59.2 billion.

The 6% figure which FUTA speaks of stems from the repeated commitments that Sri Lanka has made over the recent past to increase the island’s education spending. Whilst Sri Lanka’s commitment has not been met – ever – Sri Lanka’s education sector spending has been suffering over the recent past as a result of increased expenditure on the defence sector. However, even following the end of the war in 2009, expenditure on the defence sector has risen, and education spending has continued to decline.

But this was not the initial demand of the university teachers. Academics demanded a hike in their pay, citing regional and international salary structures. In a comparison that FUTA made, Sri Lanka ranked among the lowest in academic salaries, and FUTA warned that unless the salary structure was given a complete overhaul, the education sector would continue to suffer.

Sri Lanka’s education spending is low: no question can be raised about it. Whilst the United Kingdom spent 11.3% of its public expense allocation  on education in 2009, the United States spent 13.1%, Singapore spent 11.6%, Pakistan spent 11.2% and Cuba a whopping 17.5%.

Even comparing the spending as a portion of the GDP, Sri Lanka still ranks quite low. The United Kingdom’s figure stands at 5.6%, US’s at 5.4%, Singapore’s at 3.1% and Pakistan’s at 2.7%. Cuba again ranks highest at 13.1%, compared to Sri Lanka’s fractional 2.1%.

When FUTA started their union action however, this was not the cause, nor was it the demand. The demand for higher pay shifted to a demand of increased spending on education when the academics’ union began to take flak from the government about their demands, considering the body was given a healthy pay rise just the previous year.

Sri Lanka’s education sector spending priorities are however, a bit skewed. Even though the number of state funded schools dropped from 9,723 in 2005 to 9,714 in 2011, the number of Pirivena’s rose from 653 to 716 over the same period. The number of teachers grew from 189,234 to 271,112 from 2005 to 2011 marking a 14% increase, but the number of Pirivena teachers grew from 5,481 to 6,457 – marking a dramatic 18% increase.

The World Bank, in a report on Sri Lanka’s education sector, also noted that Sri Lanka has been spending only around 2-3% of the GDP on the education sector, compared to a 3.5% average in the rest of the region.

Whilst Sri Lanka had 85 private schools in 2005, this number grew to 97 in 2011. The number of students who are attending private schools too grew from 106,000 in 2005 to 120,000 in 2011. As the state education sector drifts slowly into chaos, the private sector – as the market usually does – moves in to fill the gap.
It is the same private sector that FUTA is now also opposing. Among FUTA’s demands is one to abolish private sector universities in the country, the controversial South Asia Institute of Technology and Medicine being the poster-child villain of the movement. Even though FUTA has not been able to rationally argue out why the private sector is the enemy of free education (and it has to be noted that the term free education does not refer to free as in state funded, but free as in free to choose – the Sinhala word, Nidahas as opposed to Nomile, encompasses the spirit with which the sector was founded in modern history).

The state-funded education system has however, helped Sri Lanka attain an adult literacy level comparable to those of developed nations. “However, literacy alone will no longer suffice in the knowledge era. It will be increasingly important for educated individuals to supply the workforce with market-oriented skills needed to create rapid economic growth and national development,” the World Bank stated in a report.
This mismatch between the education system’s outputs and the employment market in Sri Lanka was highlighted during a recent panel discussion held at the economic issues think tank, the Institute of Policy Studies. During a discussion on education and employment in Sri Lanka, the general opinion that prevailed with the private sector employers who were present at the discussion was that the island’s education system – specifically the tertiary education system – does not produce the necessary skills required for the booming private sector in Sri Lanka.

As a country develops, both in its basic social indicators and on the economic front, more money is pumped into the market by the private sector. Even in Sri Lanka, the private sector has been booming – despite flawed macroeconomic fundamentals such as widespread graft, corruption, nepotism, energy instability and relatively high inflation – after the three-decade war came to an end. The private sector however, is still struggling to find individuals who are both knowledgeable and skilled, and the finger is invariably pointed at the government.

The unemployment levels are disproportionately divided between the various sectors, and whilst unemployment for medical, engineering, computer science and technology-based graduates are almost unheard of, it is the more abstract study areas that see graduates who are without jobs. The responsibility – after truckloads of water and numerous canisters of tear gas – shifts to the government, and due to political pressure, thousands are absorbed into the state sector, oft into positions specifically created for the purpose.
It is the same students which the private sector refuse to accept due to lack of employability who oppose the move for private universities. In their eyes, the charity and foundation driven model of private universities will not work in Sri Lanka, and they see the private sector’s entry into the education system as one that will harm the state education structure.

Following FUTA’s call for the abolishing of private universities, the academics’ union has cozied up to the Marxist-party backed Inter-University Student Federation, who also oppose the move for private universities. Along with them, various opposition parties, including the idealistically-capitalist United National Party, have also joined the movement. Many tend to have politically-left leaning tendencies, including Dr. Wickramabahu Karunaratne, who joined the march during its final stages.

After months of protest, the long march by the FUTA has now come to an end. Their spokesman, Dr. Mahim Mendis from the Open University of Sri Lanka, as a passing remark says that even though the march has finished, their movement will not. They have successfully managed to shift attention from the salary hikes that they requested to the fact that Sri Lanka’s education is broken. Large scale overhauls are required and Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, an academic-turned politician with the ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance, accepts this fact (see inset).

FUTA’s struggle for better pay, even though now sugar-coated in a call for educational reforms, has brought this issue into the spotlight. Their demands however, cannot be flimsy and short-sighted like Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri’s remarks made during a recent panel discussion.  If fundamental changes are to be made, they have to also be supported by FUTA, and for FUTA’s call for higher spending on education to be taken more seriously by the current government, the demands should be accompanied by a detailed plan of where they want the money spent. Long walks would otherwise only take the academics’ union so far.

The long march for education isn’t over

Academics and others determined to twist arm of the Government in a bid to ‘Save State Education.’ 
The long march, conducted over five days by academics and teachers from state universities across the country, climaxed when the protestors converged on Colombo on Friday evening. Joining the university teachers in a show of strength and support were hundreds representing student unions, trade unions, political parties and clergy.


Ready for action: A policeman on full alert as protestors converge on Hyde Park in Colombo on Friday. Pic by Mangala Weerasekera


The protestors and their supporters, who set out from Galle and Kandy on Monday, September 24, marched under the slogan “Save State Education”. They are calling on the Government to allocate a minimum 6 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) to education.
This 6 per cent demand tops an agenda of nagging issues in local education.

In Galle, some 3,000 persons, including members of the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and academics from the South, started their march at the Dutch Fort. Travelling at a rate of 25 kilometres a day, and braving the elements – heavy rain in Hikkaduwa and sweltering hot days the rest of the way, they reached Colombo on Friday evening, where they held a mass rally at Hyde Park, Colombo.
UNP Kurunegala District MP Dayasiri Jayasekera, who joined the march at Kosgama, told the Sunday Times that he endorsed the university teachers’ demands. “If countries like Bangladesh can allocate more than 6 per cent to their country’s education, why can’t we? We joined the protest march to compel the Government to give a decent amount to education,” he said.

Along the way, several UNP and JVP Members of Parliament and members of the clergy joined the march. Among them were UNP MPs Kabir Hasim, Akila Viraj Kariawasam, Sujeewa Senasinghe and Lakshman Kiriella, John Amaratunge and JVP MP Sunil Handunnetti.

“This protest march is highly significant,” said FUTA media spokesman Dr. Mahim Mendis. “People from a variety of backgrounds have come together for a common cause, and that is to save state education. The State is obliged to protect education. The Government elected by the people should keep in mind that education is of supreme importance.”

In Kandy, the Inter-University Students Federation (IUSF) led a march that began on Monday the 24th and ended at the Lipton Circus, Colombo 7, on Friday the 28th. The students protestors and FUTA members led jointly addressed a public rally.IUSF convener Sanjeewa Bandara told the Sunday Times that the student union would continue its protests until the Government showed that it was serious about sustaining free education.


A face of determination. Pic by Indika Handuwala

Former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, who also took part in the rally, told the Sunday Times that he endorsed FUTA’s demands. “The Government is cheating the people, there is corruption all over the country. This generation and future generations of students are entitled to a good education,” he said.
University students accompanying university dons at the rally said the protest would continue until the Government took remedial action.

University of Peradeniya engineering student Prabashana Priyantha said “the struggle will go on until the Government looked into the issues and started providing substantial and lasting solutions.”
University of Jayawardhanapura arts student Kamal Shashendra said he was against giving priority to private universities. “Those with minimal qualifications but with money attend these private tertiary institutions and graduate with degrees. The Government talks about admitting more students to state universities when the existing facilities are inadequate for the current students,” he said.

300 Kelaniya campus lecturers keen that classes continue

Not all academic staff at state-run higher education institutions are involved in the islandwide protest action, say members of the academic staff of the University of Kelaniya. Participation is not 100 per cent, they point out.

One non-participant is the Venerable Embogama Wimalagana Thera, a senior lecturer in Sanskrit at the Kelaniya campus. “We are concerned about the students and their future, and that’s why we have not interrupted classes,” the Thera told the Sunday Times. Our first responsibility is to give students an education.”

Every year, according to the Thera, about 600,000 students sit for the GCE Ordinary Level, and of these only about 275,000 go on to take the GCE Advanced Level. Of these 275,000, only about 20,000 qualify to enter state universities. Getting a university place is a huge challenge for Sri Lanka’s educated young people who seek higher education credentials, he said.

Of the 535 Kelaniya campus lecturers, only 231 are involved in the strike action, said Prof. Mahendra Gunawardena, head of the Department of Science, University of Kelaniya. “A majority, 304 lecturers, are not involved,” he said.

Education sector gets 14 percent more next year

SundayTimes

The Government allocations for both the education and higher education sectors in the country for 2013 have increased by close to 14 per cent over the previous year, according to the budgetary estimates that are to be presented to Parliament on October 9.The Ministry of Education has been allocated Rs. 37.9 billion, up by nearly Rs. 3.43 billion over 2012 while the Ministry of Higher Education has been allocated Rs. 27.9 billion, up by over Rs 4.1 billion allocated for 2012.

The biggest allocation from the 2013 Budget will go to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development as in the previous year with nearly Rs. 290 billion. This amount shows an increase of nearly Rs. 60 billion from what was allocated to the Defence and Urban Development Ministry in 2012.
Over Rs. 248.1 billion from the Defence Ministry’s budget will be for recurrent expenditure much of which is for the operational activities of the Sri Lanka Army, Navy, Air Force and Police and the Department of Civil Security.

The allocations made to the Office of the President has also seen a rise with the allocations going up from around Rs. 6.1 billion to over Rs 7.4 billion while allocation to the Ministry of Economic Development have taken a dip, down from Rs. 104.57 million in 2012 to around Rs. 88. 9 billion for 2013.
The budgetary allocations to the Ministry of Resettlement has been slashed from Rs. 481 million in 2012 to Rs. 437 million in 2013 while Transport Ministry allocations are down from Rs. 53.54 billion Rs 44.7 billion.The estimated total Government expenditure for 2013 is Rs. 1,189 billion.

Meanwhile President Mahinda Rajapaksa will present the Budget to Parliament on November 11. Seven days have been allocated for the debate on the second reading of the Budget while 16 days have been allocated for the Committee Stage debate. The month long budgetary session of Parliament will end on December 8.

FUTA and the survival of democratic dissent

The suffocating grasp of an emergent dictatorship

, Sunday Island

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Kumar David

"Where they burn books, they will afterwards burn people" - Heinrich Heine (German Poet 1821)

The madness fanned by Goebbels and fired by Nazi student organisations, reached a frenzied climax on the night of 10 May 1933 when the nation’s great libraries were stripped of radical, socialist, pacifist, culturally alien and Jewish books, and piled on bonfires, lit as Germany careened to censorship, culture control and eventually the most naked of all Twentieth Century dictatorships. No nation that permits the state to crush its knowledge workers can long survive. The FUTA strike is no longer about academic salaries, long ago it morphed beyond that, it is no longer about securing a fair deal in education for the nation’s children, that Rubicon has also been crossed. What are at issue in Sri Lanka are the last two surviving outposts of democracy. Can the independence of the judiciary and the academic right to dissent survive, or will they perish? It’s no longer about whether you agree with the 6% or not, it’s about shackles of a more menacing nature. Dear god, not even Hitler made Martin Borman, leader of the brown-shirted fascist SA street thugs, the minister of higher education!

If the FUTA strike is crushed it will resemble the crushing blow that JR inflicted on the working class and independent political activity in July 1980. I do not want to over dramatise, it is only in retrospect that we can make secure historical judgements, but it is possible that this is one of the final chances the nation will get to throw back the executive power of an authoritarian menace. The state is primed for the offensive, but public opinion, the working class and trade unions, and the educated classes and left opinion are half asleep, but fortunately, also half awake.

The FUTA strike is no longer about FUTA, it’s about you and I and what we do to bring to a halt the caravan of state as it rumbles on to total control of public life. Total is totalitarian; totalitarianism is the natural culmination of the authoritarian state. Just as nature abhors a vacuum, so authoritarianism abhors all things it cannot subdue. It moved heaven and earth, and cash and threats, to abort a Muslim-Tamil power centre rising outside and beyond its control in the Eastern Province – and Muslim leaders, as habituated for decades, betrayed their community for the umpteenth time. It will not permit an elected provincial council in the North unless international pressure compels it to; it will muzzle the judiciary and harness the police.

The forcing out of Frederica Jansz from Editorship with the instruction that "The first family was not to be criticised in the pages of the Sunday Leader", and the role of Executive Power in arranging for the purchase of the newspaper, is further evidence, if needed, that dictators abhor dissent and the Rajapaksa Regime will pound alternative foci of power or influence. That is the nature of dictators because just as the nature of democracy is to muddle through diversity and wallow in dissent, the necessary condition for the survival of autocracy is the opposite. A house of cards tumbles if one is moved.

The 6% demand is justified

If the call for 6% GDP allocation for education had remained a FUTA slogan bereft of public support it would have fallen away; instead it has been taken up by society, so let us stop referring to it as a FUTA slogan and call it a public demand, a demand by many sections of society. I have heard it described as a bargaining position which we the public are advancing for tactical purposes and will compromise in the bargaining process. Without attempting to tie anybody’s hand in negotiations that are inevitable in the next period, I do insist that 6% is not a bargaining chip; it is a sound and serious proposal. In any case, while I thank FUTA for introducing and popularising the matter, it now belongs to us the public, as it must be, if it is to have legitimacy. How we prosecute the matter after the FUTA strike is over is also a matter in the public domain.

At an excellent presentation supported by a mass of empirical material Professor Dileepa Witharana, on behalf of FUTA, at gathering at the Town Hall on September 19, claimed that about 60 countries allocate 5% or more of GDP for education. These countries do not belong to any particular category by stage of development or region; they include high, middle, low and very low income countries, they are to be found in several continents. There is recognition across the board that human development is the key to all development. There is an understanding that human development incorporates both nurturing more aware, imaginative and cultured humans, as well as human resources development in the narrower sense of imbuing young people with skills that contribute to national development. The pity is that in Lanka the state, and to a degree sections of society, have lost sight of both objectives.

Problems stick out on every side. Village schools are starved of resources; students learn little, run around and sometimes run amok. No rural schools can prepare candidates for admission to university engineering and medical faculties, and only 10% nationally, all in urban areas, are able to do so. School teachers have lost respect in their communities and schools are shells where students sit out a part of the day in preparation for ubiquitous tuition classes where the real learning is done. The less said about English, Science and IT teaching in rural schools the better since there is nothing to say; it’s a Torricellian vacuum. English language competence even among young people coming out of the so called elite Colombo schools is putrid since none can escape the pervasive social ethos whose tone is set by blithering idiots ranting about Greek-Judeo-Christian culture allegedly polluting science and breeding the evils of internationalism and plurality.

Three graphs are reproduced here from the FUTA presentation to drive home several points. Figure 1 shows the amount spent by the government on education as a percentage of GDP from 1980 to 2010. Even during UNP times (these are UGC statistics) it was well above 2.8%, but a steep decline set in with Chandrika and plummeted after Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed the presidency. Far from being people friendly this regime is hostile to public welfare. Figure 2 shows that universities have been hard hit during the Rajapaksa period; this government has starved the universities and driven them to the wall. Now it is ready to privatise university education. No wonder students and teachers cannot stand it any longer.

The third illustration compares Lanka with 16 countries, including Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan and India all of whose per capita GDP is less than ours. Lanka comes out abysmal rock bottom. Yes we are the wonder of Asia! Believe it or Not!

Reform will not stop at education

Substantial enhancements to the education budget and reform of education practices to deliver a more meaningful outcome cannot and will not stop at education. The overflow will reach public health, public works, transport, energy and the media sectors, and then the issue will not be about 20% of the government budget, but all 100% of it. According to the budget allocations for 2012, the top five ministries in order of funding are Finance and Planning (47%), Defence & Urban Planning (10.5%), Ports & Highways (6.6%), Public Administration (6.3%) and Local Government & Provincial Councils (5.9%).

About 40% of the 47% swallowed by the Finance Ministry is for debt servicing. Conditions are worsening as the government is getting deeper into debt by the day; it is into the business of acquiring more debt to service unsustainable existing debt. This is aggravated as the regime runs amok with vast and wasteful white-elephant show case grandiosities. In the circumstances not only is the government unwilling to improve provision of public goods like health, education, transport and energy, it is also readying to crush dissent since that is the only way it can forestall capitulating on its right-wing economic policy framework. The government is in a dilemma, the regime cannot back out in the face of public demands for substantially enhanced education funding without shattering its economic programme. This very knowledge places FUTA too on the horns of a dilemma.

UPFA mouthpiece and MP, Rajiva Wijesinha, lauds the militarization of education in Pakistan and commends the same practice to us (Island, 25 September). The slip is showing! The second biggest item in the budget lays bare the nature of the regime; three years after the end of the war, militarization suffocates the Tamils and intimidates all dissent, the university sector, thanks to the boldness of intellectuals and the volatility of students, is a pesky irritant inviting suffocation by the regime. Thanks to the momentum it is gaining and the public and trade union support it is winning FUTA has the potential to trigger a mass movement. It is difficult to predict how things will turn out in the next two or three weeks but the public’s responsibility is unambiguous. If we want our democratic rights it is we who have to stand up for it; it is not a subcontract we can pass on to FUTA.

Education; learning through the crisis

A Reflection – Bishop Duleep de Chickera



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by Bishop Duleep de Chickera, Sunday Island

Two repeatedly used words in formal and informal conversations in several parts of the country today are education and the acronym, FUTA (Federation of University Teachers’ Associations). Where people gather with seriousness; clarification, explanation and interpretation of the current educational crisis takes place. The media has kept the debate alive with extensive coverage.

The very good thing about the three-month long FUTA action is that it is educating the people on education. People are learning that free, quality education from the primary to the tertiary level is a fundamental responsibility of the State ; that good university teachers must be employed, retained with contentment and provided security of tenure if our universities are to flourish; that a governments seriousness in this task is measured by the money set aside for education and the degree of independence that educational institutions are given; and that there are worrying gaps between these primary obligations and existing realities.

Another welcoming feature about the FUTA action is its rare island-wide collaboration. In embracing academics of all communities from north and south, east and west it has demonstrated that the people of our country can rise above sectarian agendas in pursuit of a common cause.

Lessons in democracy

But the learning curve is not limited to education only. The issue is becoming a profitable case study in the pros and cons of democratic governance in Sri Lanka today. For instance, there is a relearning that governments are formed by the people and exist for the people; and that an important test of democratic governance is the extent to which governments are accountable to the people and willing to hear public opinion. People have also been reminded that it is their money (taxed and repayable loans) that governments use to run a country and that this task must be exercised with prudent planning. And many understand that there is therefore a breach of trust if governments stand outside the circle of accountability and arbitrarily reduce expenditure on essential welfare services such as education and health, which impacts initially on those already and most deprived.

Lessons in solidarity

Increasing sections of the people are also learning that if the various issues raised by FUTA are resolved favourably, both, education and future generations will stand to benefit. It is for this reason that there is growing public endorsement of the FUTA action. But those who endorse must also empathise. Sustaining an action of this nature is costly. Those directly involved and their families have come under threat repeatedly. Public endorsement must also condemn these threats and offer moral support. Those directly involved and their families have forgone their salaries for almost three months. Public endorsement must find ways and means of offering appropriate support with respect for the dignity of the person and the person’s commitment to democracy. Those involved and their families continue to go through uncertainty, review and stress. Public endorsement must spill over to befriend, encourage and accompany these courageous but vulnerable persons.

A long term lesson

The crux of the FUTA action questions the assumption that politicians know best when it comes to education. It is the uncontested acceptance of this dangerous principle that has over the recent past led to drastic cuts in spending, inappropriate academic and administrative appointments, careless mistakes in educational routine such as assessments at public examinations, an arbitrary educational policy and the inability of those in authority to engage in self- scrutiny and healthy dialogue.

Consequently the long term lesson for us is the need to shift from this monopoly of education towards an independent and structured discourse on educational policy between policy makers, administrators, teachers and the public. Our most creative educationists drawn from the public and private sectors should be invited to participate. So must representatives of students and deprived communities and groups; who will offer pertinent insights into the harsh realities of life with which education is called to engage. The willingness to learn from creative global trends will further enhance the discourse.

Lessons in social justice

Such initiatives will undoubtedly be more sensitive and better equipped to address the discrepancies and discriminations in the current educational policy. For instance, the rapid closure over the last decade or so of primary schools will then be addressed and poor parents relieved of the extra burden of having to either transport their children to distant schools or be forced to have their children drop out.

Such initiatives are also likely to respond to the anguish of the Tamil plantation community which has had for decades to battle with scarce schooling facilities, especially in the Sabaragamuwa region; compelling this community to face the most unreasonable options of either forcing their children to study in the Sinhala medium or in a Muslim school, and thereby gradually lose their language and cultural identity, or simply foregoing their education to remain trapped on an estate for the rest of their lives.

Since educational challenges, like all social challenges will recur, initiatives of this nature will have to be mandated to continue to wrestle with the vision of an independent educational service which benefits the people most. Such a discourse will do well if it sees itself as a continuing bridge between the mess we keep returning to and the heights to which we are still capable of rising. Such a process will contribute in producing independent institutions and independent thinking persons, so essential for safeguarding the wider democratic ethos of a nation.

Lessons on closure,
continuity and change

At the end of the day however any organised action on public issues cannot go on forever. It is hoped that sooner than later this particular FUTA action will be successfully brought to completion. The repeated public position taken by FUTA that they are ready for a compromise through negotiations so long as there is respect and seriousness regarding the issues raised, is encouraging and can be built on.

In these circumstances the government must reciprocate with equal flexibility. To respond through negotiation and compromise when responsible persons from within the system call for just change, is not a sign of weakness. It is an intrinsic aspect of good governance and carries lessons beyond the current educational crisis. Its’ decline increases socio-political conflict; its’ growth reduces such conflict.

If such a negotiation takes place the government may contend that the 20% salary rise and the increase to 6% GDP spending on education demanded by FUTA, cannot be immediately granted since changes in the budget must be planned in advance. If FUTA accepts this position, it could consider an arrangement whereby these amounts will be increased on a staggered basis to reach a viable level over a period of time. This arrangement is likely to receive public respect and approval.

Whether or not this will break the deadlock, the other concerns raised by FUTA also demand attention and democratic change. They impact on the entirety of our educational values and services and cannot be set aside. These concerns include the autonomy of our universities, the empowerment of Faculty Boards and Senate Bodies with the most suitable and competent persons, the undermining of free education, leadership training by the military and improved facilities and accessible quality education for all.

But FUTA cannot be expected to work alone for these changes. The sustained collaboration of an informed, civic minded public is indispensable and will make a significant difference.

If this collaboration were to include academics and the wider public from all over the Island, its’ dividends could well bring a bonus far beyond the educational sector. There is every possibility that it could release a fresh energy for wider democratic change in the country.

With Peace and Blessings to all

The FUTA March and Pakistan’s Miracle



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by Professor Priyan Dias, Sunday Island

As the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) march for education was wending its way from Kalutara to Moratuwa on Thursday 27th September 2012, a curiously parallel activity was taking place at the auditorium of the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement Science (SLAAS), namely the delivery of a lecture by Professor Atta ur Rahman, FRS, on the transformation of higher education and science & technology in Pakistan, the lecture being arranged by the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka (NASSL).

I went for the lecture because it was on higher education, which we all know is in crisis right now, with academics on strike without pay to demand better resourcing by the state; also because he was a Fellow of the Royal Society, a rare honour for any scientist. As I recall, the only Sri Lankan to have received this honour is Professor Malik Peiris who works out of Hong Kong and directed the isolation of the SARS virus. What I discovered at the lecture however was that Prof. Rahman was also a technocrat, who advised and persuaded President Pervez Musharraf to increase spending on higher education by 2400% and on science & technology by a whopping 6000%.

Rahman was appointed Federal Minister for Science & Technology by Musharraf (2000-02) and then as the Head of the Higher Education Commission and the Prime Minister’s Science Advisor (2002-2008); and the unassuming Professor kept us spellbound as he described how both the President and Prime Minister helped him to cut through red tape and spend the allocated money. How was the money spent?

The majority of money (1 billion US dollars) was spent on sending the best graduating students (around 11,000 of them) to top Western universities for their PhDs. There was apparently a special Fulbright scholarship program to send students to the U.S., but Pakistan insisted on paying 50% of the costs, in exchange for deciding which universities they would be placed in. A year before their PhDs were to finish, these postgraduate students could apply for grants of up to 100,000 US dollars to be utilized on their first year of research (including their stipends) immediately they returned to Pakistan – what a way to get them back! This is because Rahman allowed for university procedures that could take up to a year for enrolling such returnees on the academic staff.

All new recruits such as the above had to be placed on "tenure track", which meant that they would get "tenured" or permanent status only after a rigorous review by an international panel after six years. Such appointees typically got paid around 5,000 US dollars per month, around five times higher than a Federal Minister (and their other academic colleagues as well, I guess). But failure in review meant that they were out of a job. The existing academic staff cadre at the time of the reforms was asked to choose between their "safe" job with less pay and the "tenure track" with high risks and benefits.

Generous funding was made available for equipment too, but in a strategic manner without too much replication. However, because of the lack of red tape, any institution could use the equipment of another, the generated bill being paid by the state. Access to online journals was mentioned too, something that academics and research students struggle with, but which any decent Western university provides at the click of a button. So most of us have to rely on our current postgraduate students overseas for getting us journal access – some of us can’t even access soft copies of articles that we ourselves have authored!! Not so anymore in Pakistan, from what we heard. Rahman was careful to mention that such promotion of scholars and scholarship was not confined to science & technology alone, but encompassed all disciplines.

So what were the improvements (from around 2002 to 2011)? The quantity and quality of returning academic staff made it possible to increase university enrolment from 275,000 to 950,000 and the number of state universities and degree awarding institutes from 59 to 137, with 3,600 PhDs produced. Pakistani publications in ISI journals increased from 500 to 8,000 per year, rivaling India on a per capita basis. (Sri Lanka’s own number is presently around 300 per year, which means that our current academic quality is not an impediment to take off like Pakistan). Pakistan’s silent revolution attracted editorial comment from the prestigious science journal Nature, i.e. "The Paradox of Pakistan" (29 November 2007), "After Musharraf" (28 August 2008), "Cash costs" (3 September 2009) and "Investment in Pakistan" (23 September 2010). Pakistan’s investment in higher education is also beginning to bear fruit now, with science & technology based companies beginning to create wealth.

At the question time, someone asked whether the universities should not seek to generate their own funds or create science parks and venture capital partnerships. Rahman was of the firm view that spin offs may come only 10 to 20 years after significant investment. He also said that even the best universities in Europe received 92% of their funding from the state – this received much applause.

He seemed aware of the FUTA slogan and declared that 6% of GDP was eminently possible and offered to personally convince H.E. the President himself. He said that the reforms were not universally popular but gained acceptance within two to three years. Although his personal prestige as a scientist would clearly have been a significant factor in both his influence and independence, he insisted that it did not need scientists to convince a head of state that investing in science, technology and higher education was the way forward in a knowledge economy.

I wondered (and still do) why and how Musharraf, himself a general, decided to spend so much on education – the defence budget would have suffered. Rahman did say that he may have asked Musharraf to reduce an F-16 or two from his arsenal to create the space for education. Contrast that with the Daily Mirror headline the day after the talk (and the same day as the scheduled FUTA rally following their five day march) – "Defence, Urban Dev. Budget tops Rs 290B". Is science funding as serendipitous as science itself? How was Anaximander able to say in 6th century BC Greece that the earth was help up on nothing, when his teacher Thales had said that it is supported on water, and others before that it was supported on a jar or a turtle? Is that the same kind of question as "How was Musharraf able to decide that science and education deserved massive funding"?

Towards the end I asked a question myself, as is my wont. I reminded the good professor that the last highly eminent Pakistani scientist we heard, Prof. Abdus Salam, complained that Pakistan was not friendly to scientists and ended up working at Imperial College London - from where he was jointly awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics (1979) for his work in unifying the weak nuclear and electromagnetic forces. I then asked him how he himself managed to do science and achieve global recognition even before 2002, when Musharraf’s revolutions took place. His answer demonstrated his perseverance in the face of adversity, the true mark of a scientist or educator. He said he returned to Pakistan after nine years in Cambridge, which must have been a journey from the promised land to the wilderness (scientifically speaking). When he wanted an NMR instrument, he had written to around 350 grant agencies before he got one. When he wanted a Mass spectrophotometer, after 100 such letters he decided to approach the National Bank of Pakistan (I think it was) for a loan, which he got because he had armed himself with letters from 10 scientific institutions in Pakistan to cover the collateral.

I hope and pray that the day will dawn in a teardrop shaped island state not far from Pakistan when science, technology and education will be heavily invested in by the state, for the future of all who live in that state. If that day does not dawn, or is slow in arriving, I pray equally that her scientists, technologists and educators would strive against unimaginable odds to produce excellence out of adversity.

Saturday, September 29, 2012

Comparison; Wages In The Central Bank And Universities

By Usvatte-aratchi - Colombo Telegraph

In 2011, there were 1441 employees in the Central Bank and they were paid Rs. 2, 250, 029,000 as shown in the published accounts of the Bank. Then on average an employee was paid Rs. 1,560,000 per year, an average monthly pay of Rs. 130,000. Of all employees 11% were Minor Employees: drivers, peons and others.   Those not minor employees fell into two categories: Staff Class and Non-staff Class, roughly equivalent to professional and general service categories.  There were 646 employees in the  Non-staff Class and 629 in the Staff Class. There were 4 employees on fixed term contracts, who were not classified. That makes up the 1441.

Of all employees in the Staff Class, 17 percent [109 out of 629] had no post secondary education, whatever. Of them 83 were in Grade I, 23 in Grade II and 3 in Grade III and none in the highest grade, Grade IV. They are generally those promoted from the Non-staff Class on account of outstanding work in that class and promise of good work at higher level s of responsibility. Of all employees in the Staff Class, 28 [4 percent] had professional qualifications, without a first degree. Then 137 out of 629 [22 %] had no first degree. 248 [40 percent of 629] had only a first degree; 80 [13 percent] had a university degree and professional qualifications; 124 [20 %] had a post-graduate degree; and 32 [about 5 %] had a post-graduate degree and professional qualifications. Those in Staff Class who had qualifications beyond a university first degree comprised 38 percent of all in that class. Those with only a first a degree constituted 44 percent of the total, considering those with a professional qualification and no university degree as having obtained a university degree. Then 61 percent of the staff in the Staff Class had no education beyond a first degree from a university.

Let us try to establish the average wage paid to an employee in the Staff Class in the Bank. We know that the average wage of all employees was Rs.130,000 a month [2, 250, 029,000 (1/12, 1/1441).  Let us ASSUME that minor employees were paid on average Rs.30,000 a month. Their total monthly wage bill would be Rs.4,860,000. Let us also ASSUME that the average wage of an employee in the Non-staff Class was Rs.75,000,  2.5 times the average wage of a minor employee. They would be paid Rs.48,450,000 a month. That leaves Rs.144, 192,500 to be paid to 629 employees in the Staff Class, giving them an average wage of Rs.229,000 per month. That works out to three times the average wage paid to an employee in the Non-staff Class and about eight times the average wage of an employee in a the Minor Employee category. These multiples do not look grossly unlikely.
It is necessary to emphasize repeatedly that these wage rates are what I have ASSUMED that staff in the Bank are paid. I have used only figures available to anyone from published sources [Central Bank Annual Report 2011, page Part II-62] and I have not spoken to my friends presently in the Central Bank employ or were so employed at any time past. These figures are consistent with published accounts of the Central Bank for 2011.What is meant by consistent is that when any two wage rates are assumed, the third is determined for you with the residual obtained from figures publish by the Bank. There are three sets of staff, Minor Employees, Non-staff and Staff. Let us call their wage rates M, N and S. If you assume wage rates for M and N as I have done, S is determined for you. If you assume wage rates N and S, the wage rate M is determined. And if you assume wage rates N and S then the rate M is determined for you. It follows that if I have assumed too low a wage rate for minor employees [Rs.30,000 a month] , then the average wage for Staff Class is over estimated. If I have assumed too low a wage rate for Non-staff class, then too, the resultant wage rate for the Staff class is too high.  The argument can be extended with different assumptions, almost ad infinitum.

Consistency in that manner I have shown is no demonstration that the figures I have assumed are right. I think they are not far wrong. Of course, the Central Bank can advise the public the correct figures, much to the latter’s enlightenment. After all, it is their money and they have a right to know how they are spent.
To get back to the comparisons. The relevant category for comparison with university teachers is the Staff Class. All university teachers have at least a university degree, First Class or Second Class Upper Division and most have some post-graduate education.  In the Central Bank, 78 percent of employees in Staff Class have at least a university degree and 40 percent of them have had some post graduate education. A reasonable guess I have presented is that employees in the Staff Class receive about Rs.225,000 per month. This is also the average wage rate, which is paid to the 60 percent of employees   who have no more than a first degree and some less. We have learnt from Professor Amal Kumarage of Moratuwa that from October 2012, a Senior Professor, the highest level of employment as an academic in a university, will be paid about Rs.150,000 per month. A senior professor has one or more higher degrees, often including a Ph.D. degree, which is not true for staff in the Central Bank. That difference in wages does not seem fair and certainly seem wrong incentive-wise.  An assistant lecturer in a university, often with no more than a good first degree, will receive, Professor Kumarage  assured  us, close to  Rs. 50,000 a month, a far cry from what a new recruit to the Central Bank must be receiving.  A bright academic with a good first degree and a Ph.D. from a good Faculty has every incentive to take the first plain out of Katunayake. At the same time there is no clear evidence that there has been any large scale culling of staff at the Central Bank as they age, for whatever reason, including the search for higher wages. In 2011 no more than 11 [of 1441] staff members resigned from the Bank. If their current wages were too low, then there should have been a much higher turnover of staff. These wages are not essential to keep them employed at the Bank. The average age of employees in Staff Class Grade IV and III is 51 years and those in Grades II and I, 41 years. The latter category includes 106 persons [out of 472] who were probably promoted from the Non-staff Class and therefore older. If there were high turnover, we must see a much younger age profile for staff in this category. The argument concerning incentives will need more justification to hold water.  Work in the Central Bank is not fraught with unpleasantness greater risk to permit a higher risk allowance, to justify the higher wages.

The comparison between wages earned by employees in the Staff Class in the Central Bank and university academic staff make convinces me that university academic staff deserve relatively higher wages. The inability of universities to recruit some 3,000 [?] staff to its cadre year after year is evidence of poor wage incentives, among other things.

I have a more intimate knowledge of work in the Central Bank than in universities, although I am not completely unfamiliar with work in universities, either here or overseas or indeed, the history of universities anywhere over the last 800 years. I spent my first 3 years as an economist at the Central Bank of Ceylon and the Central Bank very generously provided for my education in Cambridge. I Iearnt the first letters of the economics alphabet in Peradeniya. I have always found universities very civilized places, havens in the midst of all the storms of noise and clutter outside. Walk through the tall gates of  Columbia College in Upper Manhattan, drive into Yale College in New Haven or walk into Colombo University and you  know you are in a place of civilization. Best of all are university towns. Drive into Swarthmore College about 15 miles out of Philadelphia, a huge city, Princeton in Princeton, New Jersey, through the great gates of King’s, Trinity or St.John’s in Cambridge  and many another to realize the validity of what  I say. So my loyalties are evenly divided between Central Banks and universities and this note bears witness to that tension. However, the comparison between wages received by employees in the Central Bank and in Universities makes me convinced of the case for higher wages to academic staff in Universities now.

Two Repeatedly Used Words Today Are Education And The Acronym, FUTA

By Duleep De Chickera -

Colombotelegraph.com

Bishop Dulip De Chickera
Two repeatedly used words in formal and informal conversations in several parts of the country today are education and the acronym, FUTA (Federation of University Teachers’ Associations). Where people gather with seriousness; clarification, explanation and interpretation of the current educational crisis takes place. The media have kept the debate alive with extensive coverage.

The good thing about the three-month long FUTA action is that it is educating the people on education. People are learning that free, quality education from the primary to the tertiary level is a fundamental responsibility of the State ; that good university teachers must be employed, retained with contentment and provided security of tenure if our universities are to flourish; that a governments seriousness in this task is measured by the money set aside for education and the degree of independence that educational institutions are given; and that there are worrying gaps between these primary obligations and existing realities.
Another welcoming feature about the FUTA action is its rare island-wide collaboration. In embracing academics of all communities from north and south, east and west it has demonstrated that the people of our country can rise above sectarian agendas in pursuit of a common cause.

Lessons in democracy

But the learning curve is not limited to education only. The issue is becoming a profitable case study in the pros and cons of democratic governance in Sri Lanka today. For instance, there is a relearning that governments are formed by the people and exist for the people; and that an important test of democratic governance is the extent to which governments are accountable to the people and willing to hear public opinion. People have also been reminded that it is their money (taxed and repayable loans) that governments use to run a country and that this task must be exercised with prudent planning. And many understand that there is therefore a breach of trust if governments stand outside the circle of accountability and arbitrarily reduce expenditure on essential welfare services such as education and health, which impacts initially on those already and most deprived.

Lessons in solidarity

Increasing sections of the people are also learning that if the various issues raised by FUTA are resolved favourably, both, education and future generations will stand to benefit. It is for this reason that there is growing public endorsement of the FUTA action. Sustaining an action of this nature is costly. Those directly involved and their families have come under threat repeatedly. Public endorsement must also condemn these threats and offer moral support. Those directly involved and their families have forgone their salaries for almost three months. Public endorsement must find ways and means of offering appropriate support with respect for the dignity of the person and the person’s commitment to democracy. Those involved and their families continue to go through uncertainty, review and stress. Public endorsement must spill over to befriend, encourage and accompany these courageous but vulnerable persons.

A long term lesson

The crux of the FUTA action questions the assumption that politicians know best when it comes to education. It is the uncontested acceptance of this dangerous principle that has over the recent past led to drastic cuts in spending, inappropriate academic and administrative appointments, careless ‘mistakes in educational routine such as assessments at public examinations, an arbitrary educational ‘policy and the inability of those in authority to engage in self- scrutiny and healthy dialogue.

Consequently the long term lesson for us is the need to shift from this monopoly of education towards an independent and structured discourse on educational policy between policy makers, administrators, teachers and the public. Our most creative educationists drawn from the public and private sectors should be invited to participate. So must representatives of students and deprived communities and groups; who will offer pertinent insights into the harsh realities of life with which education is called to engage. The willingness to learn from creative global trends will further enhance the discourse.
Lessons in social justice

Such initiatives will undoubtedly be more sensitive and better equipped to address the discrepancies and discriminations in the current educational policy. For instance, the rapid closure over the last decade or so of primary schools will then be addressed and poor parents relieved of the extra burden of having to either transport their children to distant schools or be forced to have their children drop out.

Such initiatives are also likely to respond to the anguish of the Tamil plantation community which has had for decades to battle with scarce schooling facilities, especially in the Sabaragamuwa region; compelling this community to face the most unreasonable options of either forcing their children to study in the Sinhala medium or in a Muslim school, and thereby gradually lose their language and cultural identity, or simply foregoing their education to remain trapped on an estate for the rest of their lives.

Since educational challenges, like all social challenges will recur, initiatives of this nature will have to be mandated to continue to wrestle with the vision of an independent educational service which benefits the people most. Such a discourse will do well if it sees itself as a continuing bridge between the mess we keep returning to and the heights to which we are still capable of rising. Such a process will contribute in producing independent institutions and independent thinking persons, so essential for safeguarding the wider democratic ethos of a nation.

Lessons on closure, continuity and change

At the end of the day however any organised action on public issues cannot go on forever. It is hoped that sooner than later this particular FUTA action will be successfully brought to completion. The repeated public position taken by FUTA that they are ready for a compromise through negotiations so long as there is respect and seriousness regarding the issues raised, is encouraging and can be built on.

But FUTA cannot be expected to work alone for these changes. The sustained collaboration of an informed, civic minded public is indispensable and will make a significant difference.
If this collaboration were to include academics and the wider public from all over the Island its’ dividends could well bring a bonus far beyond the educational sector. There is every possibility that it could release a fresh energy for wider democratic change in the country.

பல்கலைக்கழக சமூகங்களின் பேரணிகள் கொழும்பில் நிறைவு

கடைசியாக பிரசுரிக்கப்பட்டது: 28 செப்டம்பர், 2012 - 13:45, BBC Tamil

பல்கலைக்கழகங்களுக்கு அரசியல் தலையீடு கூடாது என்பதும் ஆர்ப்பாட்டக்காரர்களின் முக்கிய கோரிக்கைகளில் ஒன்று
பல்கலைக்கழகங்களில் அரசியல் தலையீடு கூடாது என்பதும் ஆர்ப்பாட்டக்காரர்களின் முக்கிய கோரிக்கைகளில் ஒன்று
இலங்கையில் பல்கலைக்கழக சமூகம் கடந்த ஐந்து நாட்களாக முன்னெடுத்துவந்த பேரணிகள் இரண்டும் கொழும்பில் இன்று வெள்ளிக்கிழமை நிறைவடைந்தன.
அனைத்துப் பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்கள் சம்மேளனமும் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள் சங்கங்களின் சம்மேளனமும் கண்டி மற்றும் காலி ஆகிய நகரங்களிலிருந்து கடந்த திங்கட்கிழமை இந்த பேரணிகளை ஆரம்பித்தன.
மொத்தத் தேசிய உற்பத்தியிலிருந்து 6 வீதத்தை நாட்டின் கல்வித்துறைக்கு ஒதுக்குமாறும் பல்கலைக்கழகங்களுக்குள் நேரடி அரசியல் தலையீட்டை ஒழிக்குமாறும் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்களின் சம்பளப் பிரச்சனையை தீர்க்குமாறும் இன்னபல கோரிக்கைகளை வலியுறுத்தியும் இந்த இரண்டு பேரணிகளும் நடத்தப்பட்டன.
அரசுக்கும் விரிவுரையாளர்களுக்கும் இடையில் பல சுற்றுக்களாக நடந்த பேச்சுவார்த்தைகள் வெற்றியளிக்காத பின்னணியில் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள் தொடர்ந்தும் பணிப்புறக்கணிப்பில் ஈடுபட்டுவருகிறார்கள்.
அரசின் நடவடிக்கைகளால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள நாட்டின் கல்வித்துறையை பாதுகாக்க வேண்டும் என்ற தொனிப்பொருளில் பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்களும் விரிவுரையாளர்களின் போராட்டத்துக்கு ஆதரவு வழங்கி போராட்டங்களை முன்னெடுத்துவருகின்றனர்.
ஊர்வலமாக வந்து, கொழும்பு லிப்டன் சுற்றுவட்டம் பகுதியில் நடந்த பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்களின் ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொண்ட பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள், அங்கிருந்து ஹைட்பார்க் மைதானத்தை நோக்கிச் சென்று அங்கு நடந்த இறுதிக் கூட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொண்டார்கள்.
பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்களின் ஊர்வலத்தில் ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சியினர், மக்கள் விடுதலை முன்னணியினர் மற்றும் பல கட்சிகளைச் சேர்ந்தவர்கள் என பெருமளவிலான அரசியல் பிரமுகர்களும் கலந்துகொண்டார்கள்.
ஹைட்பார்க் மைதானத்தில் நடந்த இறுதிக் கூட்டத்தில் ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சி தலைவர் ரணில் விக்ரமசிங்க, முன்னாள் இராணுவத்தளபதி சரத் பொன்சேகா, மக்கள் விடுதலை முன்னணியின் தலைவர் சோமவங்ச அமரசிங்க உள்ளிட்ட எதிரணித் தலைவர்களும் கலந்துகொண்டுள்ளனர்.
இரண்டு திசைகளிலிருந்தும் கொழும்பை நோக்கிவந்த இந்த இரண்டு பெரிய பேரணிகளாலும் கொழும்பில் இன்று போக்குவரத்து கடுமையாக பாதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது, பல வீதிகள் மூடப்பட்டிருந்தன.

University teachers are like sleeping giants – Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri



University teachers are like sleeping giants says Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri. He further said the struggle launched under the theme ‘Protect State Education’ is going forward in leaps and bounds and university teachers steadfastly give leadership to this struggle.
Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri, the President of Federation on University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) made these observations addressing the rally held after concluding the ‘March’ that continued for five days  at Hyde Park yesterday. The ‘March’ that commenced its fifth phase from Moratuwa marched to Hyde Park through Ratmalana, Dehiwela, Wellawatta and Bambalapitiya amidst blessings of thousands of people lining the route. Representatives of political parties, trade unions and of many mass organizations participated in the ‘March’.
Speaking further Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri said, “Until now university teachers were considered as persons who collect signatures to fill newspaper advertisement asking for preference votes for candidates at elections. However, the struggle that has continued during the past three months has proved that university teachers cannot be used for agendas of political parties. This struggle is an auspicious sign for free education. It is the responsibility of university teachers to provide an intellectual leadership to the society. It is their duty to come forward to serve the society.  Some say we have cast aside the fundamental responsibility of education. However, we are engaged in a nobler task now than what we do in lecture halls, laboratories and libraries. We believe the force that we have invested to protect free education would not cease. We have been able to amass forces that cannot be brought together politically.
Education has been vigorously consumerized.  The government is aggravating its spending on useless projects and anti-social acts. As a result a deep crisis has developed in the education sector. Education should endow magnificence of the past to future generations. However, there are obstacles for this process. We are carrying out this struggle to fulfill this noble task.
We demand the government to allocate 6% of GDP for education. There is something we should state here. Any political party that hopes to come to power should pledge that this amount would be allocated for education. The rulers have been now made to accept the 6% slogan.  As a result they have started saying funds that is being spent for education in various ways is about 6% of the GDP. The Minister of Higher Education has indirectly helped us to strengthen our struggle. We say that the leader of the country has to take a decision now. He has to decide whether he falls into the dustbin of history undermining the great culture of this country or pay attention to resolve this issue.”
The Vice-President of FUTA Ven. Dhambara Amila Thero addressing the rally said, “We have not heard of a historical struggle that has been carried out by walking 120 kilometers for five days making great sacrifices. We have entered a dignified process of struggle using digital technology, classical knowledge and journalism to prevent education from degenerating. This struggle has drawn the attention of political parties and masses and given them inspiration. In the 40s our heroes struggled against imperialists demanding free education. They went round villages, making people aware. Heroes like Meththananda, Ven. Walpola Rahula Thera, Adhikram, Malalasekera lead this struggle. Mr. Kannangara presenting the free education act stated if it was adopted education that was an expensive commodity would become the inheritance of all, specially that of the proletariat. This is a very important statement for us in 2012. An environment is being created to make this right of all an inheritance of a few. This is why the patriotic masses have to fulfill the task of modern Meththanandas.”









Cartoon of the day, Ceylon Today


Cartoon of the day , Dailymirror


Higher Education and its Disjunctures: An Interview with Professor Sasanka Perera

26 Sep, 2012

The following is an interview with Professor Sasanka Perera of the South Asian University conducted by Mr. Ranjit Perera of the Social Scientists Association of Sri Lanka via Skype on 18th August 2012.
Ranjit Perera: Cyberspace and virtual reality are intertwined in the context of today’s communication technology; this came to my mind while conducting this interview. Any thoughts on that before we get down to more serious issues?

Sasanka Perera: Well, I am hesitant to get into a philosophical discussion on these matters in an interview meant for popular consumption. I guess we can have this chat separately. But briefly, yes. This interview would not have taken place across national borders if not for the internet and the fact that technology within it is accessible, cheap and democratic in its reach. But this is not virtual; you are there asking questions. I am here trying to answer them. The only issue is that the physical distance between us have been bridged because of the availability of certain technologies, which in this case is Skype. I can see that the internet and its technologies have been widely used in the context of the ongoing strike and related activities of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations. Its internet presence literally seems like that group has jumped almost overnight from what appeared to be pre-modern ages right up to postmodernity. That is one reason I can still keep up with what is going on even from New Delhi despite the misinformation routinely manufactured by state media and uncritical sympathizers of the regime.

Ranjit Perera: Let’s talk a little bit about your recent association with New Delhi. That was last year wasn’t it, soon after your fieldwork in Tokyo was completed?

Sasanka Perera: Yes. I undertook fieldwork in Tokyo while teaching there on sabbatical leave from about late March 2011. I arrived in Japan two weeks after the devastating East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami hit the country. I was one of the very few foreigners who came to the Hitotsubashi University where I was based at the time. My intention was to undertake limited ethnographic fieldwork focused on the Sinhala immigrants settled in Tokyo; some were very legitimate; but many were literally living under the radar. The second part of the research was supposed to be in New York in association with Cornel University. For that, I had already won the Fulbright Fellowship. My hope was to undertake the same kind of research in New York as it was a more established diasporic centre for the Sinhalas. This was supposed to be a comparative study to understand how home was recreated away from home and how a sense of cultural identity and affiliation was transformed or did not change in the context of migration and settlement in a new country; in a new city.  But the New York part of the research could not be undertaken as I ended up in New Delhi, and as a result, I declined my Fulbright Fellowship as well.

Ranjit Perera: How did this happen? Not too many people would willingly give up a Fulbright scholarship, and would opt to go to New Delhi instead of New York.

Sasanka Perera: May be you are right. But for me, New York is not some kind of an emotional site where I was dying to go. It was simply a research location just as much as Tokyo was, Katmandu was years ago and many locations in Sri Lanka, from Anuradhapura to Kandy and Kataragama. But from a research point of view, it was a pity I could not go to New York to complete my work as planned. As it is now, I have the material from Tokyo only. So either I have to write up my research based on the work in Tokyo or schedule to visit New York again sometime in the future to complete what was originally planned. But right now, it is very difficult for me to plan something like that given my somewhat hectic work schedule. From an ideological point of view, the diversion to New Delhi was not a difficult thing to do.

Ranjit Perera: You mean your affiliation with the South Asian University? How exactly did this happen?

Sasanka Perera: Well, many years ago a group of friends from across South Asia met at different locations in the region to discuss the possibility of such a university. I came into the circuit quite late. There were people like Imtiaz Ahamed from Bangladesh, Ashish Nady from India, Kanak Dixit from Nepal and many others involved in these discussions. It was grand plan to establish the university with different faculties in different cities. It was grand, intensely challenging and completely unpractical as I know now. So it fizzled out, and the people involved went in different directions. But for me, it remained an extremely interesting idea that was worth pursuing though in a more pragmatic scale. Years after all this, the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Man Mohan Singh came up with the same idea. But his was a more pragmatic idea, to create a South Asian University accessible to scholars and students from the region as a centre for producing cutting edge knowledge and base it in one city while the possibility of establishing regional centers in other cities exist in the present plan. This was a very powerful idea that had the backing of the Government of India and all other countries in South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation. All these countries except Pakistan at present fund the university; India spends an enormous amount of money on the construction of a new campus in New Delhi which has not started yet. We have about 100 acres of land. India also spends considerable funds for scholarships for students. Right now, the university is based in Akbar Bhawan, Chanakyapuri which is the diplomatic area of New Delhi.

Ranjit Perera: So the university invited you to join its staff?

Sasanka Perera: No, there was a letter that was sent to many universities in the region by the president of South Asian University. I got a copy of it directed to me by the Vice Chancellor of the Colombo University, and I simply sent in an application. As I said before, I was already attracted to the idea in ideological and intellectual terms. Besides, the challenge of actually setting up a brand new institution for intellectual excellence for young people from our region was quite enticing. So I was interviewed while I was in Tokyo, again by Skype. Think about the world without this kind of cheap technology. It would be a very different place. This was in June 2011 I think. About a month after the interview, I was offered the job as Professor of Sociology at the new department that was about to start, and it was agreed that I could assume duties in late October or early November 2011 once my work in Japan was over.

Ranjit Perera: So you are the founding professor of sociology at South Asian University?

Sasanka Perera: Yes, but it is more complicated than it seems. Soon after I arrived numerous administrative responsibilities fell on me that I hardly had the time to breathe. These are the kinds of things that I very judiciously avoided in Colombo except for the last two years or so when I ran out of excuses and choices. So less than one year since I assumed duties, I am not only the founding chair of sociology but also the founding Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences. Strangely enough, I am also the chair of the Department of International Relations, a discipline I know only as a layman. This happened due to the lack of senior scholars to take over these responsibilities. But I think now the issues with the International Relations Department could be handled effectively as we have recently recruited many young scholars as well as two senior scholars who can lead the department. I think IR will now begin to grow. One of the things I have insisted on over the last 10 months or so and would continue to do so, is the need to introduce inter-disciplinary courses and approaches within the intersections of sociology and international relations as disciplines, and beyond. This is one of the things I would like to see happening with the induction of new people into both IR and Sociology Departments over the next year or so. As it is, I think the Faculty of Social Sciences and the two departments currently located in it are doing quite well. Already, we are capable of offering as good an education as any established departments. Sociology, I might add is doing particularly well within academic limits as well as with regard to extra-curricular activities. Personally, my interest was not to simply set up a little training shop, but to establish an institute that was worth its salt. Overall, this will take considerable time and effort. But already I can see the results of our efforts. It is good when one’s colleagues also share a common dream and are showing considerable enthusiasm. In Sri Lanka I was getting tired of having to work with people who could not see the difference between a vision and a hallucination which also frustrated many well meaning people within the university system, and many of them succumbed to that sense of intellectual lethargy.

Ranjit Perera: Is that why you resigned? Many people in the university system and not just in Colombo were very surprised at your resignation.

Sasanka Perera: No that was not why I resigned. I did not have any intention of resigning or leaving the country for too long when I applied for this position at South Asian University. My intention was solely to help set up a university for which tax payers of our country and seven other SAARC countries are contributing heavily, and return in five years or less once that institution had achieved some stability. On one hand, I was following a personal dream in trying to set up an institution that I thought would be a centre for academic excellence. On the other hand, I enjoy teaching. It is under a similar situation I resigned from the World Bank and came back to the Colombo University about 10 years ago when I was offered a permanent job in the World Bank.

Ranjit Perera: So at that time, you came from the affluence of the World Bank to the poverty of the University of Colombo.

Sasanka Perera: Yes. As many people said at the time, it was financial suicide. But Ideologically, I still think I made the right decision. But the poverty I faced at the University of Colombo was not only financial. It was also intellectual. But this is an unenviable situation one can see in all of our universities, and not just in Colombo. I never regret my decisions; it would simply a waste of time. Hopefully, some students benefited from my decision. But as recent events have clearly shown, obviously the university itself did not appreciate it nor had any need for my services. But then, who am I to question the collective wisdom of its entire governing board, which thought that I should not be given five years no-pay leave to set up a regional university which our country was partly paying for, but instead thought my resignation was more preferable.
Ranjit Perera: After nearly 20 years of service to the university and the country, the attitude of the University of Colombo must have made you very angry and bitter? I know you have quite a temper!
Sasanka Perera: I take these things in a stride. The temper you talk about comes and goes. But like a dangerous animal who must be caged, I have caged it quite well. It still comes out once in a way. But I throw it back in. So in this instance anger had no resonance in the feelings I had. I kind of expected the university’s attitude as I had watched quite sadly its intellectual caliber diminishing and mediocrity being entrenched in recent times. I may have been saddened, but not angered. As I said before, who am I to question the collective decision of such an august body like the governing board?

Ranjit Perera: But isn’t that denial illegal?

Sasanka Perera: No it is not. I was already on sabbatical leave, and it was to run out in June or July 2013. What I asked for was no-pay leave for a period of just over four years so that I could complete the work in New Delhi that I was planning to begin in late October. I made my application in July 2011. Up to today, this is August 2012, I never got a response to my request from the Colombo University. Perhaps the Vice Chancellor was very busy. But I know, legally the university does not have to give that kind of leave ordinarily. But this is not an ordinary request or an ordinary situation. This was a prestigious appointment and recognition conferred upon a scholar from the University of Colombo. In any civilized part of the world, any university would have perceived this as an honor that should be celebrated. In such climates, if the necessary legal frameworks or regulations did not exist, I think they would have done their best to find means to accommodate something like this. The bottom line is that I did not even get a response to my letter at least rejecting the request for leave. Our universities are very quick to offer unconditional leave that is annually extended if this was a political appointment. Here, this was an academic appointment of significant propositions. But unfortunately, no interest was shown in this matter whatsoever. So I had no option but to resign.

Ranjit Perera: So is Sri Lanka well represented in the South Asian University’s academic staff?

Sasanka Perera: No. I am the only professor and senior academic administrator. Sri Lanka cannot and will not be well represented if scholars with an interest to come to South Asian University from any Sri Lankan university have to undergo what I had to endure.  Unfortunately, it also created a very bad impression of Colombo University in particular and Sri Lankan university system in general in the minds of the many people who got to know about the incident. Compared to this very Sri Lankan attitude, I was very touched by the extent to which people in Delhi went to accommodate me even though they did not know me personally at all. They went that far only because of my qualifications and experience. Nothing else. I think this is something the university system and the Higher Education Ministry should look into. What this effectively means is that despite the enormous amount of money Sri Lanka annually spends on the South Asian University, country’ scholars will not be able to serve it unless they resign. If this happens, then the country will lose individuals which it can ill afford when the government is quite flippantly talking about creating a knowledge hub. Perhaps our politicians can create instead a gossip hub where mediocrity will reign supreme. Compared to this situation, individuals from all other countries have been given leave by their parental universities or other organizations on very flexible terms to come and serve the South Asian University and return if they wish. So it is not an accident that Sri Lanka is underrepresented among the academics of the South Asian University. And it will remain so.

Ranjit Perera: Well, even though you may not be appreciated by the powers that be, you are at the forefront of establishing a regional university of significant proportions. From that institution-building and intellectual perspective, what is your take on the status of Sri Lankan universities at present and the ongoing strike by FUTA?

Sasanka Perera: I have written about this many times focused on higher education in social sciences and humanities generally and about the status of my own discipline in particular. In general, universities started going into a decline since about the 1970s, and this is much more visible in the social sciences and humanities. It is also clear in medical education I think where an over-emphasis on the technical aspects of medicine has shorn the training given of the philosophical aspects of that profession. This whole issue is a separate discussion and I doubt of we have the time for it today. But by now, and particularly under the ruling oligarchy, higher education has seen incredible reversals in recent times. Today, amongst our vice chancellors, in my assessment there are only handful of people, if at all, who have the intellectual caliber to hold such positions. This is not a matter of having a PhD. That I hope everyone has. This is about having the intellectual sensibility, integrity and leadership qualities to be true leaders and innovators in the local academia. Instead of scholars with wisdom, we have petty politicians who owe their appointments and survival to the party in power. So their interest is not academic but narrowly and crudely political and self-serving. You can see this in the so called ‘voice cuts’ that many such people offered on behalf of the incumbent president and Sarath Foneska at the last general election. Meddling in party politics and peddling influence in local politics should not be the vocation of any academic yet alone vice chancellors. They can naturally vote for whoever they want, but they have no business getting into such predictably compromised positions while they hold office. Unfortunately today, most people interested in high positions within universities are not necessarily the best and the brightest. Given the entrenched pettiness in these institutes, many such people are those who are willing to compromise and who have no sense of self worth. Of course there are exceptions, but this is generally no longer the rule.

Ranjit Perera: So you consider FUTA’s struggle a just one even though the regime says it is playing with the future of the younger generation. And academics deserve a pay hike?

Sasanka Perera: Well, you need to take different things in their specific contexts. Personally, like many other citizens I know, I have no doubt it is a just agitation. I also think, it is an overdue agitation. As you know quite well, academics in our country have hardly resorted to serious and sustained industrial action, and this is certainly the case over the last two decades or so. Asking for six percent of the GDP be set aside for education and requesting that they be consulted in decision-making that has to do with the education sector are not only reasonable but necessary. The issue is that it has taken this much time for academics to get their act together to make this and other related demands. As for the salary increase, I think most people in Sri Lanka except politicians need a salary increase. If it does not come as a process of regular policy-making, then it must be acquired. This is what is going on now. If anyone is playing with the future of the younger generation, it is the ruling oligarchy for its singular inability and lack of interest and vision to deal with the prevailing situation.

Ranjit Perera: One could always say you are over sympathetic to your former colleagues and that you do not see their faults? After all, you have been involved in the academic trade union system for quite some time.

Sasanka Perera: Unenlightened people can say what they want as they have many times before, and as they will many times in the future. It makes no difference to me. When I joined the University of Colombo in the early 1990s, I became the secretary of the University of Colombo Teachers’ Association. At that time, the president was Chanadana Jayaratne from the Faculty of Science.  When the Arts Faculty Teachers Association Colombo University was initiated a few years ago, I was the founder president; most of my time was taken up trying to get a constitution formulated. Compared to the activism of teachers at present, my involvement was marginal. But none of this means that I am incapable of seeing the failures and fault lines of the system. As I mentioned a little while ago, a dangerous mediocratization and politicization of universities have been going on for quite some time. It would be naïve to assume that the negative processes in the wider society would not be reflected in universities. Whatever is wrong in our society is also visible in the universities. So given this situation, there are many individuals who should never have been in universities. But they are there due to the failures in the system. But right now, as a trade union collective, it is not within FUTA’s mandate or that of any other university trade union to look into this matter. It is beyond help. What can be done is to ensure that at least in the future more stringent entry requirements are imposed for university recruitments. But to encourage good people to come into the system, they have to be attracted with a decent salary and better working conditions which means academic freedom among other things. That is one of the demands of FUTA which I fully support.

Ranjit Perera: Then you would support any program that is put in place to attract competent scholars from other countries to Sri Lankan universities?

Sasanka Perera: Naturally, I would. I have heard that there is some interest at UGC to lure back some of our own people who left the island for greener pastures. I do not know the authenticity of this story. But if the government’s demonstrated attitude and marked hostility towards FUTA’s demands as well as the public vilification of its leaders and blatant threats against them are an indication, I guess this is a mere story with no substance. I doubt if the university system or the government and its agencies are capable of attracting anyone of significant caliber from oversees to our universities when they cannot even keep the ones who are already here in place. My own recent experience demonstrates this quite well. The slogan of creating a knowledge hub that the government is repeating like a manthra amounts to nothing other than a series of words that does not make sense. To do this kind of thing, not only the universities but associated services as well as the nature of the public sphere itself and forums of cultural and intellectual production have to radically transform.  I don’t see this happening, and I also do not see anyone in the oligarchy or the bureaucracy with the imagination to even think of such things. Some academics on the other hand can help do this, even though their voices are constantly stifled.

Ranjit Perera: Let’s get back to the South Asian University. I have heard from some people in the diplomatic circle that the decision to establish the university in New Delhi came about as a result of arm-twisting by Indians and that it would have been better if it was established in a more neutral place like Kathmandu or Colombo. What is your take on that?

Sasanka Perera: Well, I am not privy to all the diplomatic intrigue and discussions that might have preceded the establishment of the university. But there was a clear agreement that New Delhi should be the location for the university though there are provisions for regional campuses in other cities in the region. Where else other than Delhi would you be able to set up something like this? In cultural and intellectual terms and in terms of the availability of facilities such as libraries, Delhi clearly is the best place. Naturally, Colombo is a more functional city where everything works relatively well; but intellectually and culturally it is dead, and on top of that we are encumbered with a regime that has not shown any vision when it comes to higher education. In my mind, that disqualifies Colombo. If Sri Lanka was given the option, the university might have ended up in Hambantota and might have been named after the president.

Ranjit Perera: So in your own mind, this is the right thing to do?

Sasanka Perera: Absolutely. It is a brilliant idea. But it is not a fairy tale. There are a lot of problems. These are not intellectual problems but procedural ones. For instance, as a foreigner, despite my five year special visa, I had a tough time opening a bank account and it is quite difficult to send money home in an emergency. Getting  a gas cylinder for cooking was quite an operation. Visa itself was a painfully slow process at the Indian embassy in Colombo. Even when I finally got it, an endorsement was placed on my visa and that of my wife’s saying that we had to register with the police each year. This is despite an act of Parliament passed by the Indian Legislature trying to make this a smooth process.  Finding accommodation was very tough and the university itself offered no help in this regard. These kinds of situations would clearly discourage foreign academics coming to the university. Naturally a lot of things need to improve. But then, it has only been in operation for about two years.

Ranjit Perera: Is there anything else you would like to say before we conclude? It has been good talking to you after quite some time.

Sasanka Perera: Not really. I have already talked too much. But I don’t believe that in our region and in our country or for that matter, anywhere else in the world, regimes should be allowed to shape our realities, dreams and the future beyond a point. This is particularly so when it comes to situations where regimes have failed their moral authority to govern. Citizens have to take decisions that would shape their own destinies or at least they must try.