Comparison; Wages In The Central Bank And Universities

By Usvatte-aratchi - Colombo Telegraph

In 2011, there were 1441 employees in the Central Bank and they were paid Rs. 2, 250, 029,000 as shown in the published accounts of the Bank. Then on average an employee was paid Rs. 1,560,000 per year, an average monthly pay of Rs. 130,000. Of all employees 11% were Minor Employees: drivers, peons and others.   Those not minor employees fell into two categories: Staff Class and Non-staff Class, roughly equivalent to professional and general service categories.  There were 646 employees in the  Non-staff Class and 629 in the Staff Class. There were 4 employees on fixed term contracts, who were not classified. That makes up the 1441.

Of all employees in the Staff Class, 17 percent [109 out of 629] had no post secondary education, whatever. Of them 83 were in Grade I, 23 in Grade II and 3 in Grade III and none in the highest grade, Grade IV. They are generally those promoted from the Non-staff Class on account of outstanding work in that class and promise of good work at higher level s of responsibility. Of all employees in the Staff Class, 28 [4 percent] had professional qualifications, without a first degree. Then 137 out of 629 [22 %] had no first degree. 248 [40 percent of 629] had only a first degree; 80 [13 percent] had a university degree and professional qualifications; 124 [20 %] had a post-graduate degree; and 32 [about 5 %] had a post-graduate degree and professional qualifications. Those in Staff Class who had qualifications beyond a university first degree comprised 38 percent of all in that class. Those with only a first a degree constituted 44 percent of the total, considering those with a professional qualification and no university degree as having obtained a university degree. Then 61 percent of the staff in the Staff Class had no education beyond a first degree from a university.

Let us try to establish the average wage paid to an employee in the Staff Class in the Bank. We know that the average wage of all employees was Rs.130,000 a month [2, 250, 029,000 (1/12, 1/1441).  Let us ASSUME that minor employees were paid on average Rs.30,000 a month. Their total monthly wage bill would be Rs.4,860,000. Let us also ASSUME that the average wage of an employee in the Non-staff Class was Rs.75,000,  2.5 times the average wage of a minor employee. They would be paid Rs.48,450,000 a month. That leaves Rs.144, 192,500 to be paid to 629 employees in the Staff Class, giving them an average wage of Rs.229,000 per month. That works out to three times the average wage paid to an employee in the Non-staff Class and about eight times the average wage of an employee in a the Minor Employee category. These multiples do not look grossly unlikely.

It is necessary to emphasize repeatedly that these wage rates are what I have ASSUMED that staff in the Bank are paid. I have used only figures available to anyone from published sources [Central Bank Annual Report 2011, page Part II-62] and I have not spoken to my friends presently in the Central Bank employ or were so employed at any time past. These figures are consistent with published accounts of the Central Bank for 2011.What is meant by consistent is that when any two wage rates are assumed, the third is determined for you with the residual obtained from figures publish by the Bank. There are three sets of staff, Minor Employees, Non-staff and Staff. Let us call their wage rates M, N and S. If you assume wage rates for M and N as I have done, S is determined for you. If you assume wage rates N and S, the wage rate M is determined. And if you assume wage rates N and S then the rate M is determined for you. It follows that if I have assumed too low a wage rate for minor employees [Rs.30,000 a month] , then the average wage for Staff Class is over estimated. If I have assumed too low a wage rate for Non-staff class, then too, the resultant wage rate for the Staff class is too high.  The argument can be extended with different assumptions, almost ad infinitum.

Consistency in that manner I have shown is no demonstration that the figures I have assumed are right. I think they are not far wrong. Of course, the Central Bank can advise the public the correct figures, much to the latter’s enlightenment. After all, it is their money and they have a right to know how they are spent.
To get back to the comparisons. The relevant category for comparison with university teachers is the Staff Class. All university teachers have at least a university degree, First Class or Second Class Upper Division and most have some post-graduate education.  In the Central Bank, 78 percent of employees in Staff Class have at least a university degree and 40 percent of them have had some post graduate education. A reasonable guess I have presented is that employees in the Staff Class receive about Rs.225,000 per month. This is also the average wage rate, which is paid to the 60 percent of employees   who have no more than a first degree and some less. We have learnt from Professor Amal Kumarage of Moratuwa that from October 2012, a Senior Professor, the highest level of employment as an academic in a university, will be paid about Rs.150,000 per month. A senior professor has one or more higher degrees, often including a Ph.D. degree, which is not true for staff in the Central Bank. That difference in wages does not seem fair and certainly seem wrong incentive-wise.  An assistant lecturer in a university, often with no more than a good first degree, will receive, Professor Kumarage  assured  us, close to  Rs. 50,000 a month, a far cry from what a new recruit to the Central Bank must be receiving.  A bright academic with a good first degree and a Ph.D. from a good Faculty has every incentive to take the first plain out of Katunayake. At the same time there is no clear evidence that there has been any large scale culling of staff at the Central Bank as they age, for whatever reason, including the search for higher wages. In 2011 no more than 11 [of 1441] staff members resigned from the Bank. If their current wages were too low, then there should have been a much higher turnover of staff. These wages are not essential to keep them employed at the Bank. The average age of employees in Staff Class Grade IV and III is 51 years and those in Grades II and I, 41 years. The latter category includes 106 persons [out of 472] who were probably promoted from the Non-staff Class and therefore older. If there were high turnover, we must see a much younger age profile for staff in this category. The argument concerning incentives will need more justification to hold water.  Work in the Central Bank is not fraught with unpleasantness greater risk to permit a higher risk allowance, to justify the higher wages.

The comparison between wages earned by employees in the Staff Class in the Central Bank and university academic staff make convinces me that university academic staff deserve relatively higher wages. The inability of universities to recruit some 3,000 [?] staff to its cadre year after year is evidence of poor wage incentives, among other things.

I have a more intimate knowledge of work in the Central Bank than in universities, although I am not completely unfamiliar with work in universities, either here or overseas or indeed, the history of universities anywhere over the last 800 years. I spent my first 3 years as an economist at the Central Bank of Ceylon and the Central Bank very generously provided for my education in Cambridge. I Iearnt the first letters of the economics alphabet in Peradeniya. I have always found universities very civilized places, havens in the midst of all the storms of noise and clutter outside. Walk through the tall gates of  Columbia College in Upper Manhattan, drive into Yale College in New Haven or walk into Colombo University and you  know you are in a place of civilization. Best of all are university towns. Drive into Swarthmore College about 15 miles out of Philadelphia, a huge city, Princeton in Princeton, New Jersey, through the great gates of King’s, Trinity or St.John’s in Cambridge  and many another to realize the validity of what  I say. So my loyalties are evenly divided between Central Banks and universities and this note bears witness to that tension. However, the comparison between wages received by employees in the Central Bank and in Universities makes me convinced of the case for higher wages to academic staff in Universities now.

Two Repeatedly Used Words Today Are Education And The Acronym, FUTA

By Duleep De Chickera -

Colombotelegraph.com

Bishop Dulip De Chickera

Two repeatedly used words in formal and informal conversations in several parts of the country today are education and the acronym, FUTA (Federation of University Teachers’ Associations). Where people gather with seriousness; clarification, explanation and interpretation of the current educational crisis takes place. The media have kept the debate alive with extensive coverage.

The good thing about the three-month long FUTA action is that it is educating the people on education. People are learning that free, quality education from the primary to the tertiary level is a fundamental responsibility of the State ; that good university teachers must be employed, retained with contentment and provided security of tenure if our universities are to flourish; that a governments seriousness in this task is measured by the money set aside for education and the degree of independence that educational institutions are given; and that there are worrying gaps between these primary obligations and existing realities.

Another welcoming feature about the FUTA action is its rare island-wide collaboration. In embracing academics of all communities from north and south, east and west it has demonstrated that the people of our country can rise above sectarian agendas in pursuit of a common cause.

Lessons in democracy

But the learning curve is not limited to education only. The issue is becoming a profitable case study in the pros and cons of democratic governance in Sri Lanka today. For instance, there is a relearning that governments are formed by the people and exist for the people; and that an important test of democratic governance is the extent to which governments are accountable to the people and willing to hear public opinion. People have also been reminded that it is their money (taxed and repayable loans) that governments use to run a country and that this task must be exercised with prudent planning. And many understand that there is therefore a breach of trust if governments stand outside the circle of accountability and arbitrarily reduce expenditure on essential welfare services such as education and health, which impacts initially on those already and most deprived.

Lessons in solidarity

Increasing sections of the people are also learning that if the various issues raised by FUTA are resolved favourably, both, education and future generations will stand to benefit. It is for this reason that there is growing public endorsement of the FUTA action. Sustaining an action of this nature is costly. Those directly involved and their families have come under threat repeatedly. Public endorsement must also condemn these threats and offer moral support. Those directly involved and their families have forgone their salaries for almost three months. Public endorsement must find ways and means of offering appropriate support with respect for the dignity of the person and the person’s commitment to democracy. Those involved and their families continue to go through uncertainty, review and stress. Public endorsement must spill over to befriend, encourage and accompany these courageous but vulnerable persons.

A long term lesson

The crux of the FUTA action questions the assumption that politicians know best when it comes to education. It is the uncontested acceptance of this dangerous principle that has over the recent past led to drastic cuts in spending, inappropriate academic and administrative appointments, careless ‘mistakes in educational routine such as assessments at public examinations, an arbitrary educational ‘policy and the inability of those in authority to engage in self- scrutiny and healthy dialogue.

Consequently the long term lesson for us is the need to shift from this monopoly of education towards an independent and structured discourse on educational policy between policy makers, administrators, teachers and the public. Our most creative educationists drawn from the public and private sectors should be invited to participate. So must representatives of students and deprived communities and groups; who will offer pertinent insights into the harsh realities of life with which education is called to engage. The willingness to learn from creative global trends will further enhance the discourse.

Lessons in social justice

Such initiatives will undoubtedly be more sensitive and better equipped to address the discrepancies and discriminations in the current educational policy. For instance, the rapid closure over the last decade or so of primary schools will then be addressed and poor parents relieved of the extra burden of having to either transport their children to distant schools or be forced to have their children drop out.

Such initiatives are also likely to respond to the anguish of the Tamil plantation community which has had for decades to battle with scarce schooling facilities, especially in the Sabaragamuwa region; compelling this community to face the most unreasonable options of either forcing their children to study in the Sinhala medium or in a Muslim school, and thereby gradually lose their language and cultural identity, or simply foregoing their education to remain trapped on an estate for the rest of their lives.

Since educational challenges, like all social challenges will recur, initiatives of this nature will have to be mandated to continue to wrestle with the vision of an independent educational service which benefits the people most. Such a discourse will do well if it sees itself as a continuing bridge between the mess we keep returning to and the heights to which we are still capable of rising. Such a process will contribute in producing independent institutions and independent thinking persons, so essential for safeguarding the wider democratic ethos of a nation.

Lessons on closure, continuity and change

At the end of the day however any organised action on public issues cannot go on forever. It is hoped that sooner than later this particular FUTA action will be successfully brought to completion. The repeated public position taken by FUTA that they are ready for a compromise through negotiations so long as there is respect and seriousness regarding the issues raised, is encouraging and can be built on.

But FUTA cannot be expected to work alone for these changes. The sustained collaboration of an informed, civic minded public is indispensable and will make a significant difference.

If this collaboration were to include academics and the wider public from all over the Island its’ dividends could well bring a bonus far beyond the educational sector. There is every possibility that it could release a fresh energy for wider democratic change in the country.

பல்கலைக்கழக சமூகங்களின் பேரணிகள் கொழும்பில் நிறைவு

கடைசியாக பிரசுரிக்கப்பட்டது: 28 செப்டம்பர், 2012 - 13:45, BBC Tamil

பல்கலைக்கழகங்களில் அரசியல் தலையீடு கூடாது என்பதும் ஆர்ப்பாட்டக்காரர்களின் முக்கிய கோரிக்கைகளில் ஒன்று

இலங்கையில் பல்கலைக்கழக சமூகம் கடந்த ஐந்து நாட்களாக முன்னெடுத்துவந்த பேரணிகள் இரண்டும் கொழும்பில் இன்று வெள்ளிக்கிழமை நிறைவடைந்தன.

அனைத்துப் பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்கள் சம்மேளனமும் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள் சங்கங்களின் சம்மேளனமும் கண்டி மற்றும் காலி ஆகிய நகரங்களிலிருந்து கடந்த திங்கட்கிழமை இந்த பேரணிகளை ஆரம்பித்தன.

மொத்தத் தேசிய உற்பத்தியிலிருந்து 6 வீதத்தை நாட்டின் கல்வித்துறைக்கு ஒதுக்குமாறும் பல்கலைக்கழகங்களுக்குள் நேரடி அரசியல் தலையீட்டை ஒழிக்குமாறும் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்களின் சம்பளப் பிரச்சனையை தீர்க்குமாறும் இன்னபல கோரிக்கைகளை வலியுறுத்தியும் இந்த இரண்டு பேரணிகளும் நடத்தப்பட்டன.
அரசுக்கும் விரிவுரையாளர்களுக்கும் இடையில் பல சுற்றுக்களாக நடந்த பேச்சுவார்த்தைகள் வெற்றியளிக்காத பின்னணியில் பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள் தொடர்ந்தும் பணிப்புறக்கணிப்பில் ஈடுபட்டுவருகிறார்கள்.
அரசின் நடவடிக்கைகளால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள நாட்டின் கல்வித்துறையை பாதுகாக்க வேண்டும் என்ற தொனிப்பொருளில் பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்களும் விரிவுரையாளர்களின் போராட்டத்துக்கு ஆதரவு வழங்கி போராட்டங்களை முன்னெடுத்துவருகின்றனர்.
ஊர்வலமாக வந்து, கொழும்பு லிப்டன் சுற்றுவட்டம் பகுதியில் நடந்த பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்களின் ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொண்ட பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்கள், அங்கிருந்து ஹைட்பார்க் மைதானத்தை நோக்கிச் சென்று அங்கு நடந்த இறுதிக் கூட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொண்டார்கள்.
பல்கலைக்கழக விரிவுரையாளர்களின் ஊர்வலத்தில் ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சியினர், மக்கள் விடுதலை முன்னணியினர் மற்றும் பல கட்சிகளைச் சேர்ந்தவர்கள் என பெருமளவிலான அரசியல் பிரமுகர்களும் கலந்துகொண்டார்கள்.
ஹைட்பார்க் மைதானத்தில் நடந்த இறுதிக் கூட்டத்தில் ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சி தலைவர் ரணில் விக்ரமசிங்க, முன்னாள் இராணுவத்தளபதி சரத் பொன்சேகா, மக்கள் விடுதலை முன்னணியின் தலைவர் சோமவங்ச அமரசிங்க உள்ளிட்ட எதிரணித் தலைவர்களும் கலந்துகொண்டுள்ளனர்.
இரண்டு திசைகளிலிருந்தும் கொழும்பை நோக்கிவந்த இந்த இரண்டு பெரிய பேரணிகளாலும் கொழும்பில் இன்று போக்குவரத்து கடுமையாக பாதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது, பல வீதிகள் மூடப்பட்டிருந்தன.

University teachers are like sleeping giants – Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri

Saturday, 29 September 2012 08:50, Lanka Truth

University teachers are like sleeping giants says Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri. He further said the struggle launched under the theme ‘Protect State Education’ is going forward in leaps and bounds and university teachers steadfastly give leadership to this struggle.
Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri, the President of Federation on University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) made these observations addressing the rally held after concluding the ‘March’ that continued for five days  at Hyde Park yesterday. The ‘March’ that commenced its fifth phase from Moratuwa marched to Hyde Park through Ratmalana, Dehiwela, Wellawatta and Bambalapitiya amidst blessings of thousands of people lining the route. Representatives of political parties, trade unions and of many mass organizations participated in the ‘March’.
Speaking further Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri said, “Until now university teachers were considered as persons who collect signatures to fill newspaper advertisement asking for preference votes for candidates at elections. However, the struggle that has continued during the past three months has proved that university teachers cannot be used for agendas of political parties. This struggle is an auspicious sign for free education. It is the responsibility of university teachers to provide an intellectual leadership to the society. It is their duty to come forward to serve the society.  Some say we have cast aside the fundamental responsibility of education. However, we are engaged in a nobler task now than what we do in lecture halls, laboratories and libraries. We believe the force that we have invested to protect free education would not cease. We have been able to amass forces that cannot be brought together politically.
Education has been vigorously consumerized.  The government is aggravating its spending on useless projects and anti-social acts. As a result a deep crisis has developed in the education sector. Education should endow magnificence of the past to future generations. However, there are obstacles for this process. We are carrying out this struggle to fulfill this noble task.
We demand the government to allocate 6% of GDP for education. There is something we should state here. Any political party that hopes to come to power should pledge that this amount would be allocated for education. The rulers have been now made to accept the 6% slogan.  As a result they have started saying funds that is being spent for education in various ways is about 6% of the GDP. The Minister of Higher Education has indirectly helped us to strengthen our struggle. We say that the leader of the country has to take a decision now. He has to decide whether he falls into the dustbin of history undermining the great culture of this country or pay attention to resolve this issue.”
The Vice-President of FUTA Ven. Dhambara Amila Thero addressing the rally said, “We have not heard of a historical struggle that has been carried out by walking 120 kilometers for five days making great sacrifices. We have entered a dignified process of struggle using digital technology, classical knowledge and journalism to prevent education from degenerating. This struggle has drawn the attention of political parties and masses and given them inspiration. In the 40s our heroes struggled against imperialists demanding free education. They went round villages, making people aware. Heroes like Meththananda, Ven. Walpola Rahula Thera, Adhikram, Malalasekera lead this struggle. Mr. Kannangara presenting the free education act stated if it was adopted education that was an expensive commodity would become the inheritance of all, specially that of the proletariat. This is a very important statement for us in 2012. An environment is being created to make this right of all an inheritance of a few. This is why the patriotic masses have to fulfill the task of modern Meththanandas.”

Cartoon of the day, Ceylon Today

Cartoon of the day , Dailymirror

Higher Education and its Disjunctures: An Interview with Professor Sasanka Perera

26 Sep, 2012 Groundviews

The following is an interview with Professor Sasanka Perera of the South Asian University conducted by Mr. Ranjit Perera of the Social Scientists Association of Sri Lanka via Skype on 18^th August 2012.

Ranjit Perera: Cyberspace and virtual reality are intertwined in the context of today’s communication technology; this came to my mind while conducting this interview. Any thoughts on that before we get down to more serious issues?

Sasanka Perera: Well, I am hesitant to get into a philosophical discussion on these matters in an interview meant for popular consumption. I guess we can have this chat separately. But briefly, yes. This interview would not have taken place across national borders if not for the internet and the fact that technology within it is accessible, cheap and democratic in its reach. But this is not virtual; you are there asking questions. I am here trying to answer them. The only issue is that the physical distance between us have been bridged because of the availability of certain technologies, which in this case is Skype. I can see that the internet and its technologies have been widely used in the context of the ongoing strike and related activities of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations. Its internet presence literally seems like that group has jumped almost overnight from what appeared to be pre-modern ages right up to postmodernity. That is one reason I can still keep up with what is going on even from New Delhi despite the misinformation routinely manufactured by state media and uncritical sympathizers of the regime.

Ranjit Perera: Let’s talk a little bit about your recent association with New Delhi. That was last year wasn’t it, soon after your fieldwork in Tokyo was completed?

Sasanka Perera: Yes. I undertook fieldwork in Tokyo while teaching there on sabbatical leave from about late March 2011. I arrived in Japan two weeks after the devastating East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami hit the country. I was one of the very few foreigners who came to the Hitotsubashi University where I was based at the time. My intention was to undertake limited ethnographic fieldwork focused on the Sinhala immigrants settled in Tokyo; some were very legitimate; but many were literally living under the radar. The second part of the research was supposed to be in New York in association with Cornel University. For that, I had already won the Fulbright Fellowship. My hope was to undertake the same kind of research in New York as it was a more established diasporic centre for the Sinhalas. This was supposed to be a comparative study to understand how home was recreated away from home and how a sense of cultural identity and affiliation was transformed or did not change in the context of migration and settlement in a new country; in a new city.  But the New York part of the research could not be undertaken as I ended up in New Delhi, and as a result, I declined my Fulbright Fellowship as well.

Ranjit Perera: How did this happen? Not too many people would willingly give up a Fulbright scholarship, and would opt to go to New Delhi instead of New York.

Sasanka Perera: May be you are right. But for me, New York is not some kind of an emotional site where I was dying to go. It was simply a research location just as much as Tokyo was, Katmandu was years ago and many locations in Sri Lanka, from Anuradhapura to Kandy and Kataragama. But from a research point of view, it was a pity I could not go to New York to complete my work as planned. As it is now, I have the material from Tokyo only. So either I have to write up my research based on the work in Tokyo or schedule to visit New York again sometime in the future to complete what was originally planned. But right now, it is very difficult for me to plan something like that given my somewhat hectic work schedule. From an ideological point of view, the diversion to New Delhi was not a difficult thing to do.

Ranjit Perera: You mean your affiliation with the South Asian University? How exactly did this happen?

Sasanka Perera: Well, many years ago a group of friends from across South Asia met at different locations in the region to discuss the possibility of such a university. I came into the circuit quite late. There were people like Imtiaz Ahamed from Bangladesh, Ashish Nady from India, Kanak Dixit from Nepal and many others involved in these discussions. It was grand plan to establish the university with different faculties in different cities. It was grand, intensely challenging and completely unpractical as I know now. So it fizzled out, and the people involved went in different directions. But for me, it remained an extremely interesting idea that was worth pursuing though in a more pragmatic scale. Years after all this, the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Man Mohan Singh came up with the same idea. But his was a more pragmatic idea, to create a South Asian University accessible to scholars and students from the region as a centre for producing cutting edge knowledge and base it in one city while the possibility of establishing regional centers in other cities exist in the present plan. This was a very powerful idea that had the backing of the Government of India and all other countries in South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation. All these countries except Pakistan at present fund the university; India spends an enormous amount of money on the construction of a new campus in New Delhi which has not started yet. We have about 100 acres of land. India also spends considerable funds for scholarships for students. Right now, the university is based in Akbar Bhawan, Chanakyapuri which is the diplomatic area of New Delhi.

Ranjit Perera: So the university invited you to join its staff?

Sasanka Perera: No, there was a letter that was sent to many universities in the region by the president of South Asian University. I got a copy of it directed to me by the Vice Chancellor of the Colombo University, and I simply sent in an application. As I said before, I was already attracted to the idea in ideological and intellectual terms. Besides, the challenge of actually setting up a brand new institution for intellectual excellence for young people from our region was quite enticing. So I was interviewed while I was in Tokyo, again by Skype. Think about the world without this kind of cheap technology. It would be a very different place. This was in June 2011 I think. About a month after the interview, I was offered the job as Professor of Sociology at the new department that was about to start, and it was agreed that I could assume duties in late October or early November 2011 once my work in Japan was over.

Ranjit Perera: So you are the founding professor of sociology at South Asian University?

Sasanka Perera: Yes, but it is more complicated than it seems. Soon after I arrived numerous administrative responsibilities fell on me that I hardly had the time to breathe. These are the kinds of things that I very judiciously avoided in Colombo except for the last two years or so when I ran out of excuses and choices. So less than one year since I assumed duties, I am not only the founding chair of sociology but also the founding Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences. Strangely enough, I am also the chair of the Department of International Relations, a discipline I know only as a layman. This happened due to the lack of senior scholars to take over these responsibilities. But I think now the issues with the International Relations Department could be handled effectively as we have recently recruited many young scholars as well as two senior scholars who can lead the department. I think IR will now begin to grow. One of the things I have insisted on over the last 10 months or so and would continue to do so, is the need to introduce inter-disciplinary courses and approaches within the intersections of sociology and international relations as disciplines, and beyond. This is one of the things I would like to see happening with the induction of new people into both IR and Sociology Departments over the next year or so. As it is, I think the Faculty of Social Sciences and the two departments currently located in it are doing quite well. Already, we are capable of offering as good an education as any established departments. Sociology, I might add is doing particularly well within academic limits as well as with regard to extra-curricular activities. Personally, my interest was not to simply set up a little training shop, but to establish an institute that was worth its salt. Overall, this will take considerable time and effort. But already I can see the results of our efforts. It is good when one’s colleagues also share a common dream and are showing considerable enthusiasm. In Sri Lanka I was getting tired of having to work with people who could not see the difference between a vision and a hallucination which also frustrated many well meaning people within the university system, and many of them succumbed to that sense of intellectual lethargy.

Ranjit Perera: Is that why you resigned? Many people in the university system and not just in Colombo were very surprised at your resignation.

Sasanka Perera: No that was not why I resigned. I did not have any intention of resigning or leaving the country for too long when I applied for this position at South Asian University. My intention was solely to help set up a university for which tax payers of our country and seven other SAARC countries are contributing heavily, and return in five years or less once that institution had achieved some stability. On one hand, I was following a personal dream in trying to set up an institution that I thought would be a centre for academic excellence. On the other hand, I enjoy teaching. It is under a similar situation I resigned from the World Bank and came back to the Colombo University about 10 years ago when I was offered a permanent job in the World Bank.

Ranjit Perera: So at that time, you came from the affluence of the World Bank to the poverty of the University of Colombo.

Sasanka Perera: Yes. As many people said at the time, it was financial suicide. But Ideologically, I still think I made the right decision. But the poverty I faced at the University of Colombo was not only financial. It was also intellectual. But this is an unenviable situation one can see in all of our universities, and not just in Colombo. I never regret my decisions; it would simply a waste of time. Hopefully, some students benefited from my decision. But as recent events have clearly shown, obviously the university itself did not appreciate it nor had any need for my services. But then, who am I to question the collective wisdom of its entire governing board, which thought that I should not be given five years no-pay leave to set up a regional university which our country was partly paying for, but instead thought my resignation was more preferable.

Ranjit Perera: After nearly 20 years of service to the university and the country, the attitude of the University of Colombo must have made you very angry and bitter? I know you have quite a temper!

Sasanka Perera: I take these things in a stride. The temper you talk about comes and goes. But like a dangerous animal who must be caged, I have caged it quite well. It still comes out once in a way. But I throw it back in. So in this instance anger had no resonance in the feelings I had. I kind of expected the university’s attitude as I had watched quite sadly its intellectual caliber diminishing and mediocrity being entrenched in recent times. I may have been saddened, but not angered. As I said before, who am I to question the collective decision of such an august body like the governing board?

Ranjit Perera: But isn’t that denial illegal?

Sasanka Perera: No it is not. I was already on sabbatical leave, and it was to run out in June or July 2013. What I asked for was no-pay leave for a period of just over four years so that I could complete the work in New Delhi that I was planning to begin in late October. I made my application in July 2011. Up to today, this is August 2012, I never got a response to my request from the Colombo University. Perhaps the Vice Chancellor was very busy. But I know, legally the university does not have to give that kind of leave ordinarily. But this is not an ordinary request or an ordinary situation. This was a prestigious appointment and recognition conferred upon a scholar from the University of Colombo. In any civilized part of the world, any university would have perceived this as an honor that should be celebrated. In such climates, if the necessary legal frameworks or regulations did not exist, I think they would have done their best to find means to accommodate something like this. The bottom line is that I did not even get a response to my letter at least rejecting the request for leave. Our universities are very quick to offer unconditional leave that is annually extended if this was a political appointment. Here, this was an academic appointment of significant propositions. But unfortunately, no interest was shown in this matter whatsoever. So I had no option but to resign.

Ranjit Perera: So is Sri Lanka well represented in the South Asian University’s academic staff?

Sasanka Perera: No. I am the only professor and senior academic administrator. Sri Lanka cannot and will not be well represented if scholars with an interest to come to South Asian University from any Sri Lankan university have to undergo what I had to endure.  Unfortunately, it also created a very bad impression of Colombo University in particular and Sri Lankan university system in general in the minds of the many people who got to know about the incident. Compared to this very Sri Lankan attitude, I was very touched by the extent to which people in Delhi went to accommodate me even though they did not know me personally at all. They went that far only because of my qualifications and experience. Nothing else. I think this is something the university system and the Higher Education Ministry should look into. What this effectively means is that despite the enormous amount of money Sri Lanka annually spends on the South Asian University, country’ scholars will not be able to serve it unless they resign. If this happens, then the country will lose individuals which it can ill afford when the government is quite flippantly talking about creating a knowledge hub. Perhaps our politicians can create instead a gossip hub where mediocrity will reign supreme. Compared to this situation, individuals from all other countries have been given leave by their parental universities or other organizations on very flexible terms to come and serve the South Asian University and return if they wish. So it is not an accident that Sri Lanka is underrepresented among the academics of the South Asian University. And it will remain so.

Ranjit Perera: Well, even though you may not be appreciated by the powers that be, you are at the forefront of establishing a regional university of significant proportions. From that institution-building and intellectual perspective, what is your take on the status of Sri Lankan universities at present and the ongoing strike by FUTA?

Sasanka Perera: I have written about this many times focused on higher education in social sciences and humanities generally and about the status of my own discipline in particular. In general, universities started going into a decline since about the 1970s, and this is much more visible in the social sciences and humanities. It is also clear in medical education I think where an over-emphasis on the technical aspects of medicine has shorn the training given of the philosophical aspects of that profession. This whole issue is a separate discussion and I doubt of we have the time for it today. But by now, and particularly under the ruling oligarchy, higher education has seen incredible reversals in recent times. Today, amongst our vice chancellors, in my assessment there are only handful of people, if at all, who have the intellectual caliber to hold such positions. This is not a matter of having a PhD. That I hope everyone has. This is about having the intellectual sensibility, integrity and leadership qualities to be true leaders and innovators in the local academia. Instead of scholars with wisdom, we have petty politicians who owe their appointments and survival to the party in power. So their interest is not academic but narrowly and crudely political and self-serving. You can see this in the so called ‘voice cuts’ that many such people offered on behalf of the incumbent president and Sarath Foneska at the last general election. Meddling in party politics and peddling influence in local politics should not be the vocation of any academic yet alone vice chancellors. They can naturally vote for whoever they want, but they have no business getting into such predictably compromised positions while they hold office. Unfortunately today, most people interested in high positions within universities are not necessarily the best and the brightest. Given the entrenched pettiness in these institutes, many such people are those who are willing to compromise and who have no sense of self worth. Of course there are exceptions, but this is generally no longer the rule.

Ranjit Perera: So you consider FUTA’s struggle a just one even though the regime says it is playing with the future of the younger generation. And academics deserve a pay hike?

Sasanka Perera: Well, you need to take different things in their specific contexts. Personally, like many other citizens I know, I have no doubt it is a just agitation. I also think, it is an overdue agitation. As you know quite well, academics in our country have hardly resorted to serious and sustained industrial action, and this is certainly the case over the last two decades or so. Asking for six percent of the GDP be set aside for education and requesting that they be consulted in decision-making that has to do with the education sector are not only reasonable but necessary. The issue is that it has taken this much time for academics to get their act together to make this and other related demands. As for the salary increase, I think most people in Sri Lanka except politicians need a salary increase. If it does not come as a process of regular policy-making, then it must be acquired. This is what is going on now. If anyone is playing with the future of the younger generation, it is the ruling oligarchy for its singular inability and lack of interest and vision to deal with the prevailing situation.

Ranjit Perera: One could always say you are over sympathetic to your former colleagues and that you do not see their faults? After all, you have been involved in the academic trade union system for quite some time.

Sasanka Perera: Unenlightened people can say what they want as they have many times before, and as they will many times in the future. It makes no difference to me. When I joined the University of Colombo in the early 1990s, I became the secretary of the University of Colombo Teachers’ Association. At that time, the president was Chanadana Jayaratne from the Faculty of Science.  When the Arts Faculty Teachers Association Colombo University was initiated a few years ago, I was the founder president; most of my time was taken up trying to get a constitution formulated. Compared to the activism of teachers at present, my involvement was marginal. But none of this means that I am incapable of seeing the failures and fault lines of the system. As I mentioned a little while ago, a dangerous mediocratization and politicization of universities have been going on for quite some time. It would be naïve to assume that the negative processes in the wider society would not be reflected in universities. Whatever is wrong in our society is also visible in the universities. So given this situation, there are many individuals who should never have been in universities. But they are there due to the failures in the system. But right now, as a trade union collective, it is not within FUTA’s mandate or that of any other university trade union to look into this matter. It is beyond help. What can be done is to ensure that at least in the future more stringent entry requirements are imposed for university recruitments. But to encourage good people to come into the system, they have to be attracted with a decent salary and better working conditions which means academic freedom among other things. That is one of the demands of FUTA which I fully support.

Ranjit Perera: Then you would support any program that is put in place to attract competent scholars from other countries to Sri Lankan universities?

Sasanka Perera: Naturally, I would. I have heard that there is some interest at UGC to lure back some of our own people who left the island for greener pastures. I do not know the authenticity of this story. But if the government’s demonstrated attitude and marked hostility towards FUTA’s demands as well as the public vilification of its leaders and blatant threats against them are an indication, I guess this is a mere story with no substance. I doubt if the university system or the government and its agencies are capable of attracting anyone of significant caliber from oversees to our universities when they cannot even keep the ones who are already here in place. My own recent experience demonstrates this quite well. The slogan of creating a knowledge hub that the government is repeating like a manthra amounts to nothing other than a series of words that does not make sense. To do this kind of thing, not only the universities but associated services as well as the nature of the public sphere itself and forums of cultural and intellectual production have to radically transform.  I don’t see this happening, and I also do not see anyone in the oligarchy or the bureaucracy with the imagination to even think of such things. Some academics on the other hand can help do this, even though their voices are constantly stifled.

Ranjit Perera: Let’s get back to the South Asian University. I have heard from some people in the diplomatic circle that the decision to establish the university in New Delhi came about as a result of arm-twisting by Indians and that it would have been better if it was established in a more neutral place like Kathmandu or Colombo. What is your take on that?

Sasanka Perera: Well, I am not privy to all the diplomatic intrigue and discussions that might have preceded the establishment of the university. But there was a clear agreement that New Delhi should be the location for the university though there are provisions for regional campuses in other cities in the region. Where else other than Delhi would you be able to set up something like this? In cultural and intellectual terms and in terms of the availability of facilities such as libraries, Delhi clearly is the best place. Naturally, Colombo is a more functional city where everything works relatively well; but intellectually and culturally it is dead, and on top of that we are encumbered with a regime that has not shown any vision when it comes to higher education. In my mind, that disqualifies Colombo. If Sri Lanka was given the option, the university might have ended up in Hambantota and might have been named after the president.

Ranjit Perera: So in your own mind, this is the right thing to do?

Sasanka Perera: Absolutely. It is a brilliant idea. But it is not a fairy tale. There are a lot of problems. These are not intellectual problems but procedural ones. For instance, as a foreigner, despite my five year special visa, I had a tough time opening a bank account and it is quite difficult to send money home in an emergency. Getting  a gas cylinder for cooking was quite an operation. Visa itself was a painfully slow process at the Indian embassy in Colombo. Even when I finally got it, an endorsement was placed on my visa and that of my wife’s saying that we had to register with the police each year. This is despite an act of Parliament passed by the Indian Legislature trying to make this a smooth process.  Finding accommodation was very tough and the university itself offered no help in this regard. These kinds of situations would clearly discourage foreign academics coming to the university. Naturally a lot of things need to improve. But then, it has only been in operation for about two years.

Ranjit Perera: Is there anything else you would like to say before we conclude? It has been good talking to you after quite some time.

Sasanka Perera: Not really. I have already talked too much. But I don’t believe that in our region and in our country or for that matter, anywhere else in the world, regimes should be allowed to shape our realities, dreams and the future beyond a point. This is particularly so when it comes to situations where regimes have failed their moral authority to govern. Citizens have to take decisions that would shape their own destinies or at least they must try.

We will fight to the end - SF

Dailymirror
Former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka who participated at the rally organised by University lecturers vowed to continue the struggle for the benefit of the future generations in Sri Lanka.

Speaking exclusively to the Daily Mirror during the rally, Fonseka said the education sector was now facing a severe crisis.

“All of us have gathered here under one banner to ensure that the government allocates 6% GDP on education. The politicians of this country have continued to think only about the future of their children often neglecting the needs of the rest of the children of this country. The politicans have only ensured that the education of this country moves from one crisis to another and have not taken any measures to help build it. We are ready to make any sacrifice for the future generations of our country,’ he said.

The rally and the protest march were used as gathering points for several civil and political movements while UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, Karu Jayasuriya, UNP Deputy leader Sajith Premadasa, Former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe, Vijitha Herath and Dr. Wickremabahu Karunaratne were seen voicing their support for the demands of university lecturers.

Student groups such as the IUSF joined hands with other university student movements in support of the demands of the lecturers. (Hafeel Farisz and Yohan Perera)

Urgently resolve education crisis; Mahanayakes

The most venerable Mahanayakes of the Malwaththe and Asgiriya chapters in a statement to the Ministry of higher education today said that the government has to take urgent measures to solve the impending deadlock between the Ministry of Higher education and University lecturers.

“We are aggrieved at the current predicament faced by the students of this country who are the torchbearers of the country’s future. It is indeed very disheartening to note that despite the passage of over three months to the crisis the education ministry has failed to address this issue and put forward a sustainable solution” the statement said. ( J.A.L. Jayasinghe), Dailymirror

Mass support for free education

People turned out in their thousands today to support the Federation of University Teachers Associations (FUTA) rally at Hyde Park. Here political leaders and the public listen to one of the many speeches made at the meeting. Pix by Samantha Perera, Dailymirror

FUTA is highly politicized — Ekanayake

Says engaging in TU action to fight for 6% GDP, not  a TU’s function By Aisha Nazim, Ceylon Today Higher Education Deputy Minister, Nandamithra Ekanayake, charged the FUTA of being highly politicized and having personal political agendas. He also alleged that engaging in trade union action to fight for 6% GDP was  not a trade union’s function, as trade unions are meant to fight for their rights and issues. “There are enough politicians in Parliament that can speak up and fight for  6%. It does not concern the FUTA,” he said. He said it was not FUTA’s concern, because it was not an issue concerning trade unions. Furthermore, though 6% has not been allocated from the GDP specifically for education, a large amount of funds are already being channelled into  the education sector, he said. The infrastructure of universities is being developed,  and most of the funds allocated to universities are returned to the government  as sometimes, not all are used. With regard to the funds allocated to the Defence sector being increased even  three years post-war, Minister Ekanayake said that the people’s security is extremely important, regardless of if the country is in a war situation or not. “Large amounts of funds are reserved for the public’s security in all countries,  including India and America. India also has poverty, and yet a large sum of  their funds is allocated to security. If the people are not safe, education, health,  and everything else would automatically collapse,” he said.

Mahanayakes offer to mediate

September 28, 2012, 12:00 pm

By Cyril Wimalasurendre, The Island

KANDY– The Mahanayake Theras of Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters yesterday offered to mediate between the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations and the government to bring about a settlement to the on-going strike by FUTA.

Most Venerable Tibbatuwawe Sri Siddharatha Sumangala Mahanayaka Thera of Malwatte and Most Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakitha Mahanayaka Thera of Asgiriya, in a joint statement issued Yesterday (28), observed that the strike launched by the university teachers had lasted for over three months without a solution.

They urged the Higher Education Minister and the FUTA to take necessary steps to resolve the issue through a dialogue without further delay.

The denial of education to the students would lead the youth, an invaluable asset of the country, to destructive paths owing to their frustration, the statement added.

The Manahayaka Theras stated that they had observed such trade union action in other sectors and they had resolved their issues through negotiations but it was sad to note that the problem with the university teachers remained without a solution for such a long time.

SB claims many lecturers want to return to work

September 28, 2012, 11:14 pm , The Island

By Norman Phalihawadena

Higher Education Minister S. B. Dissanayaka yesterday claimed that many university lecturers, who were participating in the FUTA strike, had informed him that they would like to resume duties.

Even the lecturers in the Jaffna University had informed him of their desire to give up the strike and work.

"They have realized that it is a meaningless strike. I have already received many letters from the university lecturers, who have now rejected the strike. Eleven Jaffna lectures haves sent letters to me, expressing their wish to disengage themselves from the strike," Minister Dissanayaka stressed.

He pointed out that the JVP-backed trade unions were behind the strike.

Let’s not allow the Pearl of Great Price to be destroyed

NOTEBOOK OF A NOBODY

September 28, 2012, 12:00 pm , The Island


by Shanie

"There was once a beautiful apple tree,

who refused to shelter even the tiniest bee.

It was a vain and selfish tree,

It would say,"No one is mightier than me!"

One day, as it woke up from its slumber,

It was surprised to see a strange climber.

It saw an army of termites, all ready for a fight.

The tree trembled with fear,

and asked them the reason why they were there.

"You do not shelter the birds’ nests,

you sway in the wind and make them fall instead.

You are a selfish creature and as good as dead", said they.

The tree now fearfully called the birds,

"Help me, I apologise,

I promise I shall shelter you and do my best,

But please save me from these horrible pests."

The birds came, one and all,

for they could not ignore the plea of the tree forlorn,

From that day onwards it would to every passerby call,

for it had learnt a valuable lesson

That pride goes before a fall!"

- Poornima Kamath

For centuries, Sri Lanka has placed great value on education. Buddhist Pirivena educators, theosophists, Hindu reformers, Christian missionaries and Muslim modernists have over the years helped to build institutions of great learning. Compulsory education was introduced in 1911 but it became effective only after the wide education reforms in the mid 1940s. The state provided free education from primary to tertiary levels and also established quality secondary schools in all the districts of the country – from Tellijawela in the south to Nelliady in the north, from Ibbagamuwa in the west to Vantharamoolai in the east, and in Nugawela and Welimada in the hill country. These schools had some of the best teachers in the country. By 1950, there were fifty such schools. There was consequently a quantum leap in the country’s literacy rate from 58% in 1946 to 92% fifty years later. In 1990, over 95% of children of primary school age were enrolled in a school. In 1942, we had just one full-fledged national university. Today, we have universities in almost all districts plus an Open University that has study centres spread throughout the country. University enrolment increased from 2500 in 1950 to over 50000 about fifty years later. The Kannangara reforms provided equitable access to quality education up to the University level. It was the Pearl of Great Price.

It is this Pearl that all right thinking people need to safeguard from unthinking and arrogant politicians and their sycophantic bureaucrats. Access to free education from the kindergarten to the university must be available to all. That is not all. It must be access to quality education. Quality education can only be provided by top quality teachers at all levels. Such quality teachers need to be retained and that would be possible only by the state providing adequate resources for it. The trade union action by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations is all about providing such resources to the Universities, safeguarding equitable access to education and maintaining the University traditions of autonomy and academic freedom.

The need for a revision in pay

The trade union action began with the academics requesting a pay rise in keeping with their academic and professional qualifications and positions. When this demand was made last year, the government accepted this as reasonable and promised to deliver. But like many a promise made to others and broken, the promise of a pay rise was contemptuously ignored. But the academics would not take this lying down and continued their agitation. They still had not launched on strike action. The government’s response was typical. There was a volley of abuse hurled at the FUTA and its leadership. Perhaps, it would not be fair to say that the government as a whole was responsible. There were many within the government and indeed within the cabinet who were embarrassed by the shameless breaking of a solemn promise. Even among the academics, there are many who have politically supported the President and UPFA who were angry that the government had let them down.

There were Ministers who were willing to negotiate with the academics for a reasonable resolution to the pay rise demand. They did talk to FUTA and agreed to convey this reasonable demand to the government. But it appears that their efforts were scuttled by the Ministers in charge of education who perhaps found, in their arrogance, that their pride had been hurt. There were also the political sycophants in the UGC and even among the academic community who supported the Minister. These were the self-styled patriotic university teachers. Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel and recent history has shown us that playing the patriotic card is resorted to by those bereft of ideas and a belief in justice. To this was added another well known gimmick – the conspiracy theory. It is laughable to even think that there can be a conspiracy to overthrow the government by university teachers.

The conspiracy theory was effectively demolished by Professor Jayadeva Uyangoda in a recent article in The Island. He stated: "(The FUTA trade union action merely) seeks policy changes with regard to education. It challenges the government’s positions on education, allocation of public expenditure, and, the role of the state in social issues. It critiques the government’s policy priorities. It actually argues for policy reforms on education, particularly in higher education." He went on to add: "It appears that the government has two parallel tracks to deal with the FUTA strike. One stresses a hardline approach with no concessions to, or compromise with, the striking academics. The conspiracy story seems to emanate from the faction which advances this hardline track. The other is for a negotiated settlement though compromise. When the negotiation track has begun to show some positive directions, the other line seems to be determined to undermine the possibilities of a compromise. That is why they appear to be trying to re-define the FUTA action as a national security issue."

Public expenditure on education

The FUTA trade union action has had a radical shift from the original pay rise issue to the future of higher education in our country. They have demanded greater allocation of resources towards education. Education now accounts for only 2.5% of government expenditure. The expenditure on defence is 400% more than on education. The government repeatedly assures the people and international community that they have successfully eliminated terrorism and there is peace in the North and East and the rest of the country. The priority then is now to spend more on education, health and social services. Is there not something sinister in defence spending continuing to take precedence over education and welfare services?

Creeping Militarisation

One of the grievances of the university teachers is the creeping militarisation in the universities. Last year, all new entrants were subject to what was euphemistically called leadership training in camps. There was no consultation with any of the university academic bodies and the UGC meekly acceded to political directives. Some kind of training and orientation may be good for new entrants but this and the curriculum for it should be worked out in consultation with the academics. In the end, the curriculum was based on promoting the ideology of the ruling class within the government. What also was the need to have this "leadership training" in army camps and not in the universities.

Another aspect of the militarisation and the loss of academic independence was the UGC directive to the Universities, in clear violation of the Universities Act, to employ a security agency linked to the Ministry of Defence. This came at a huge price too. Earlier, each University called for tenders and evaluating all the bids chose the security agency that was most appropriate. The UGC’s illegal directive meant that the statutory bodies of the Universities did not have the freedom to evaluate the quality of security service nor any choice about the enormous difference in costs for employing the Defence Ministry related security agency, Rakna Lanka. The natural suspicion is that this agency is engaged not only in providing security services but also in spying on activities within the universities.

Political Directives

The quality of our educational services, both higher education as well as the schools, used to be the pride of Asia. We maintained that quality by establishing the healthy tradition of autonomy and academic freedom, and avoiding political interference in university affairs. But over the last couple of years, there has been a marked decline in the quality of our education services. This has been accentuated in recent times. The deterioration of standards is directly attributable to the Minister of Higher Education, the Chairman of the University Grants Commission and some of the Vice Chancellors flouting the traditions of academic autonomy and making political decisions and political appointments to the universities. All of them, in their arrogance and pride, are fond of attributing political motives for FUTA’s trade union action. The Chairman of the UGC, when confronted, denies any politics in his decisions and denies having issued any directives in violation of the Universities Act. The circular directing the Universities to hire Rakna Lanka for security services was one such. More recently, he has reportedly issued another circular that the UGC representatives on the Selection Boards would have a right of veto when selecting persons for academic appointments, etc. The Vice Chancellor of the Colombo University has reportedly, addressing a workshop this week, accused the FUTA leadership of having a political agenda. Academics, she is reported to have stated, must not be involved in politics. She probably does not remember (like politicians who conveniently do not remember after they have committed crimes) that she along with the Chairman of the UGC and some other Vice Chancellors appeared at a Press conference and urged support for a particular political party/candidate at the last election.

Universities should be liberal seats of learning where study, research and teaching, diverse opinions, dissent and legitimate challenges to authority should be encouraged and safeguarded. People with authority in the university system must respect the Universities Act and remember that their primary loyalty is to the university community, teachers, students and non-academic staff, and not to the political establishment. They must have the humility to dialogue with the university community and resolve issues through consultation and negotiation. Arrogance and Pride surely goes before a fall. When that fall comes, all the King’s horses and and all the King’s men will not be able to put them together again.

Education and social emancipation:

The need for a broader discussion on the education crisis

September 28, 2012, 8:16 pm , The Island


by Andi Schubert

The trade union action of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) is now about to enter its fourth month. Prior to and during the strike a number of debates and discussion have raged between supporters, opponents and observers about the issues raised by FUTA viz. education and the crisis facing the education sector in Sri Lanka. In this short article I hope to examine the nature of the debate so far and hope to broaden it by introducing the dimension of social emancipation. This article is the further development of a point I raised during the "Forum with Eran" program organized by Eran Wickramaratne MP on the 26th of September which brought together Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri and Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP for a discussion on the education crisis in Sri Lanka.

Current discussions on the FUTA strike

The debate on the FUTA strike has brought to the fore a number of key questions about education, trade unionism, policy development and the future of students in this country. In this section I try to document some of the major debates on these issues as they have appeared in the media since the beginning of the FUTA strike. I must note that the list below is not an exhaustive one but I have tried my best to capture some of the key debates that have taken place so far. In doing this I don’t attempt to take sides but simply hope to document some of the key issues that have been raised in the media.

The discussions on the issue of education include the need for higher allocations for education, the question of whether private expenditure on education should be considered part of the government’s education allocation, the way in which an increased allocation for education should be spent, the financing of higher allocations for education as well as the question of the introduction of the private sector as an education provider (especially at the university level). Another aspect of this debate has been the discussion on the quality of education generally and more specifically on the quality of teaching in the university as well as in schools around the country. Questions have also been raised about the quality of research and knowledge production within academia mainly because of the call by FUTA for better salaries for academics. Most importantly FUTA has succeeded in creating debate as to the purpose of education (specifically tertiary education) in the country and a wide debate has raged on whether the primary aim of education should be for employment or for knowledge or both (and to what degree of each).

In terms of trade unionism the debates in the media have ranged from the legitimacy of FUTA’s trade union action to whether it is within the scope of a trade union action to call for policy change. There have also been a number of articles that either critique or praise the tactics employed by both FUTA and the Government in seeking to resolve the current standoff. Another important aspect of the debate on trade unionism has been the question of voice in a broader social movement for change and questions have been raised about the capacity of FUTA to represent a variety of interest groups as it evolves into a larger social movement calling for serious change in the education sector.

This has also led to serious debates about the process through which policy development takes place in Sri Lanka, and questions have also been raised as to who should be consulted in policy formulation and whether there is a need for wider public consultation in policy development. Furthermore in the light of a number of educational blunders, serious questions have been raised as to who should take responsibility for educational policy though there appears to be very little consensus on this.

Interestingly much of the debate has also focused on the "student" and both FUTA and its detractors have invoked concern about the student in seeking to legitimize a variety of stances. I must note here that "the student" appears to be stuck in a time warp between the present and the future as FUTA’s detractors point to the plight of current students while FUTA has sort to emphasize the need to think about the future student and the capacity of education to support her/his development.

A blind spot in the debate?

Three months into the FUTA strike it would be unlikely that there has been any aspect of the debate on education that has not received much attention. However, there is one significant issue that is yet to receive much attention but which I believe would significantly broaden the terms of the debate on education that has taken place so far.

In an extremely interesting article, a key FUTA member and prominent academic Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda excellently argues that the introduction of free education provided by the welfare state was widely seen as a stepping stone to social emancipation for a class of people in the country that had been severely marginalized and excluded during colonial times by the elite as well as the British. It was hoped that education would open doors to employment in the public sector that had hitherto been limited to the elite who had the capacity to pay for a private education that in turn secured them employment in lucrative and respectable public sector jobs.

However, the welfare state was unable to cope with the surging demand for public sector employment or provide the necessary infrastructure to ensure that all students across the country received the quality of education that would enable them to secure similar employment prospects in the public sector. As a result Uyangoda argues that the State could only provide partial social emancipation in so much as it provided a new generation of youth with the education but it could not secure complete social emancipation for the vast numbers of rural, lower middle-class young men and women. Or as Uyangoda puts it "the system could not help them beyond purchasing one way tickets to higher education."*

Social emancipation in an era of patronage politics

I want to build on Prof. Uyangoda’s insights to argue for the need to re-examine the link between education and social emancipation. In a country that has come to rely more and more on patronage politics, the onus is placed on personal relationships to mediate and facilitate personal interests in order to achieve social emancipation. In this context it is hardly surprising that the Government’s intransience seems to suggest that the existing system is adequate to bring about social emancipation.

Amidst the cacophony of the voices that are speaking out on education in Sri Lanka, I believe that at the heart of the issues raised by FUTA and its supporters is the question of the contribution of education to the social emancipation of marginalized youth around the country. What is not articulated however, is the question of as to how increased funding for education will enable this social emancipation.

Therefore, it is necessary to pose a few questions that I believe can broaden the debate on the current education crisis in Sri Lanka. What do marginalized young people expect from education today? What is the link between education in Sri Lanka today and the desire for social emancipation? Does education still only offer partial emancipation? Would the increased allocation of funds for education bring about social emancipation or stymie it by creating expectations that cannot be fulfilled? Is the creation of employable graduates the answer to the demand for social emancipation? This can also broaden the understanding of who is responsible for bringing about social emancipation, and goes beyond the narrow confines of the debate on graduate employability.

By seeking to answer these questions we can broaden the discussion even further into the role that education is expected to play in a developing society. While lauding FUTA for creating and generating debate on the current status of education, I believe it is important that there is also an articulation of the relationship between education and social emancipation. This is because in the final analysis the questions FUTA has so successfully raised are not limited to education alone but impinge on the very meaning of social emancipation and its role in combating oppression.

*I have made a rather clumsy attempt to paraphrase what is a truly insightful and thought provoking article. For the full version of this article see Uyangoda, J. (2003). Social Conflict, Radical Resistance and Projects of State Power in Southern Sri Lanka: The Case of the JVP. In M. Mayer, D. Rajasingham-Senanayake, & Y. Thangarajah (Eds.), Building Local Capacities for Peace: Rethinking Conflict and Development in Sri Lanka (pp. 37-64). New Delhi: Macmillan India.

More students than teachers in FUTA protest - SB

September 28, 2012, 11:05 pm , The Island


by Zacki Jabbar

While the Chief Prelates of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters have offered to mediate in the crisis affecting the education sector, Higher Education Minister S. B. Dissanayake yesterday claimed that there were more students in the protest march organised by the Federation of University Teachers’ Association (FUTA) than teachers.

"We counted the number of teachers in the procession and it was around 150," the Minister said, adding that there were a large number of politicians and undergraduates.

The Minister said that the demonstrations could not be considered a success, since there were about 5,000 dons countrywide.

The entire protest was politically motivated, since senior university professors were among the highest paid public servants in the country and drew even more than the Chief Justice, he claimed.

Dissanayake said that the monthly package, including allowances of Grade One Dons, was around Rs.170,000 while an ordinary lecturer drew about Rs.75,000.

Asked if he was not interested in resolving the chaos in the education sector, the Minister replied that talks could commence once the protests ended.

Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella said that FUTA’s demand for the education budget to be increased to six per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was unrealistic.

A figure of more than five percent of GDP was allocated by countries with a low qualitative growth in education, but Sri Lanka was way ahead and did not fall into that category, he said.

The Minister said that due to poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy and unemployment that had afflicted under developed countries in Africa, they were forced to spend more on education.

University teachers' march

September 28, 2012, 7:50 pm , The Island

This march started off from Galle on 24th September, and their modus operendi was to force the Government to give in to their demands.

If the striking dons and teachers think that a march from Galle to Colombo could solve this problem when other avenues failed, they are mistaken. Even as I write this comment, the march is on (Sept. 26).

But what has happened now? The March has been 'devoured' by the U.N.P, J.V.P. and other disgruntled politicians. Persons like Rosie, K D Lalkantha and Ranil himself said that "this should be the first step towards the defeat of the Government or something to that effect.

I blame the university academics for tolerating this nonsense.

RANJITH G. PERERA

Retired University Academic

PANADURA